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Photographic 

Sciences 
Corporation 


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CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHM/ICIVIH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  Microreproductions  /  Institut  Canadian  de  microreproductions  historiques 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notas/Notas  tachniquas  at  bibliographiquas 


Th«  Institute  has  attempted  to  obtain  the  bast 
original  copy  available  for  filming.  Features  of  this 
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which  may  altar  any  of  the  images  in  the 
reproduction,  or  which  may  significantly  change 
the  usual  method  of  filming,  are  checked  below. 


D 


D 


D 

D 
D 
D 
D 


D 


Coloured  covers/ 
Couverture  de  couiaur 


r~n    Covers  damaged/ 


Couverture  endommagia 


Covers  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Couverture  restaur^  ot/ou  pelliculie 


I      I    Cover  title  missing/ 


Le  titre  de  couverture  tr  ^  nque 


Coloured  maps/ 

Cartes  gAographiques  en  couleur 


Coloured  ink  (i.e.  other  than  blue  or  black}/ 
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Tight  binding  may  causa  shadows  or  distortion 
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La  re  liure  serrie  peut  causer  da  I'ombre  ou  de  la 
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Blank  leavM  added  during  restoration  may 
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have  been  omitted  from  filming/ 
II  se  peut  que  certaines  pages  blenches  ajouties 
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mais,  lorsque  cela  4tait  possible,  ces  pages  n'ont 
pas  ixi  filmias. 


L'Instltut  a  microfilm^  le  meilleur  exemplaire 
qu'il  lui  a  it*  possible  de  se  procurer.  Les  details 
de  cet  exemplaire  qui  sont  peut-^tre  uniques  du 
point  de  vue  bibliographique,  qui  peuvent  modifier 
une  image  reproduite,  ou  qui  peuvent  exiger  une 
modification  dans  la  m^thoda  normaia  de  filmage 
sont  indiquto  ci-dessous. 


Th« 
to  tit 


□    Coloured  pages/ 
Pages  de  couleur 

r~~]    Pages  damaged/ 


□ 

D 
0 
0 
D 
D 
D 


Pages  endommag^s 

Pages  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Pages  restauries  et/ou  pelliculies 

Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxed/ 
Pages  dicolories,  tachetAe^  ou  piqu^es 

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Only  edition  available/ 
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Pages  wholly  or  partially  obscured  by  errata 
slips,  tissues,  etc.,  have  been  refilmed  to 
ensure  the  best  possible  image/ 
Les  pages  totalement  ou  partiellement 
obscurcies  par  un  feuillet  d'errata,  une  pelure, 
etc.,  cnt  dt6  filmies  h  nouveau  de  facon  h 
obtenir  la  meilleure  image  possible. 


The 
posi 
oft! 
film 


Oris 

begl 

the 

sion 

oth( 

first 

sion 

oril 


The 
shal 
TiN 
whi 

Ma( 
diff< 
enti 
beg 
righ 
reqi 
met 


0 


Additional  comments:/ 
Commentaires  supplimentaires: 


Wrinkled  pages  may  film  slightly  out  of  focus.  There  are  some  creases  in  the  middle  of  the 
pages. 


This  item  is  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ce  document  est  filmi  au  taux  de  reduction  indiqui  ci-dessous. 

10X  14X  18X  22X 


26X 


30X 


y 

12X 


16X 


20X 


24X 


28X 


32X 


tails 

du 
adifier 

una 
Tiage 


'rata 
o 


lelure, 


iddle  of  the 


32X 


The  copy  filmed  here  has  been  reproduced  thanks 
to  the  generosity  of: 

Douglas  Library 
Queen's  University 

The  images  appearing  here  are  the  best  quality 
possible  considering  the  condition  and  legibility 
of  the  original  copy  and  in  keeping  with  the 
filming  contract  specifications. 


Original  copies  in  printed  paper  covers  are  filmed 
beginning  with  the  front  cover  and  ending  on 
the  last  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, or  the  back  cover  when  appropriate.  All 
other  original  copies  are  filmed  beginning  on  the 
first  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, and  ending  on  the  last  page  with  a  printed 
or  illustrated  impression. 


The  last  recorded  frame  on  each  microfiche 
shall  contain  the  symbol  — »-  (meaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  the  symbol  V  (meaning  "END"), 
whichever  applies. 

IVIaps,  plates,  charts,  etc.,  may  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  ratios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  included  in  one  exposure  are  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  es 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


1  2  3 


L'exemplaire  film*  f ut  reproduit  grAce  A  la 
gAnirosItt  de: 

Douglas  Library 
Queen's  University 

Les  images  suivantes  ont  *t6  reproduites  avec  le 
plus  grand  soin,  compte  tenu  de  la  condition  at 
de  la  nettet*  de  l'exemplaire  fiimi,  et  en 
conformity  avec  tea  conditions  du  contrat  de 
fiimage. 

Les  exemplaires  originaux  dont  la  couverture  en 
papier  est  imprim6e  sont  filmis  en  commengant 
par  le  premier  plat  et  en  terminant  soit  par  la 
dernlAre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration,  soit  par  le  second 
plat,  selon  le  cas.  Tous  les  autres  exemplaires 
originaux  sont  filmte  en  commenpant  par  la 
premidra  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration  et  en  terminant  par 
la  derniire  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 

Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparaftra  sur  la 
dernlAre  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symbols  -^  signifie  "A  SUIVRE  ",  le 
symbols  V  signifie  "FIN". 

Les  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvent  dtre 
fiimis  A  des  taux  de  reduction  diff^rents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  dtre 
reproduit  an  un  seul  clichA,  11  est  f  ilmi  A  partir 
de  I'angle  supArieur  gauche,  de  gauche  d  droite, 
et  de  haut  en  bas,  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'images  ntcessaira.  lies  diagrammes  suivants 
lllustrent  la  mAthode.  ^ ,         . 


1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

I 


* 


n  T  ft  n  fi 

mV     JB-      K_/      JL»     KJ 


»•  TSS 


OiHGIN 


ASS 


«ONSa«UlBl«;ES  op  OtJR  PCMLlnCAL  DI88fcNSlOI^8, 


to  wiB»a  It  iJrnxni. 


TJmjuATE  TREATtMMTfrEBJ^  THE  XTXITSM  STATES  J^Jf 

OREAt  BBPTAIJ^, 


BY  A  CITIZ&N  OF  VEBW''*NT, 


the  gtcftte»t  etits  ate  not  stfHwd  at  thteir  uttooat  petted  oiltjl  tJiote  irtto 
^  are  in  fmw  haw  lost  all  atsaat  of  shame.    At  such  a  time  those  who 

should  obey  shake  off  all  respect  and  subord^tion.    iTiea  i«  letha!^« 

indoknce  rouawi,  biit  foapBd  by  fconrulsiofts. 

■     -  Cii»»iirAt  iai  fetw. 

"What  tm  be  dwie  to  save  th*  BepubKc  i  tUne  Aat  sooUjs  iiU  otlte  «l|fe. 
ings  will  hri^f  us  no  rejifef^  we  neglect  or  throw  away  ^ea«BnA  in  oar 
haftdi.  Wh»t  we  they  ?  Truth  and  Argument.  They  are  feeble  wxats : 
feeble  mdeedj  sgainsl  prqjudice  and  passion  j  yet  they  are  all  we  hate  i^ 
♦«  »lMt  tiy  them,    They  will  be  J«ry<masts  if  w«  «re  ship-wrecked. 

FMaxtt  Aifza. 


.i^a.ii! 


ALBAJ^f: 
tMNTED  BY  E.  &  E.  HOSFOHX) 


1815. 

[C^y  right  taeurt^^ 


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4 

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.clfew. 


"m- 


PREFACE. 


ffm  twenty4lve  y«W9  the  ^irit  «f  party  has  nged  in  thic  coimtjy,  to 
the  dirtur^ance  of  its  peace,  the  win  gf  its  interest,  ud  the  dishosor  of 
ita  name. 

The  new  acton  in  the  poUtic«a  drama,  and  tb«<y  are  Uteprineipal  or  at 
ieaat  the  n^oai  usixn  oaea,  aeem  to  haire  taken  it  for  granted,  that  Uie  ijvar- 
rel  among  the  leaders  waa  well  begun,  and  it  is  their  duty  to  fight  wij  vw- 
^i'  the  t£i»mpli8  of  party  are  ««sttigBtaMt«d. 

Since  tife«  cMnmenceiMBt  of  tljfc  present  war,  experiencje  has  tai^tus 
that  in  tkttm  of  great  and  eommon  danger  np  Dneasure  can  succeed,  witlr- 
C  *^4°***'*  ^^^  """"^  *®  people  :  and  that  wil  never  happen  snieas  the 
^  pefl^  will  impartiaUyrevinr  their  political  esaduci^  md  pe.«Xainine  the 
t^        grounds  of  their  poli^iea^  pr^iidices. 

I^nless  titese  can  be  removed,  the  Aothor  of  the  ensuii^  pages  has  loi^f 
believed  liiey  willeMmtually  lead  to  cit^  war  and  Ute  nun  of  liberty'. 

This  to  him  isasuffieiMit  apology,  for  an  attempt  at  this  tinte^  to  leave 
for  a  ntomoit,  tile  ecnteat  about  measures,  af>d  to  eall  back  the  attoitioa 
of  his  fellow^sitizens  from  the  commotions  and  rums  which  surrauod  i^m, 
to  the  first  causes,  of  their  pf>litical  prejudices :  tft  enquire  who  it  was  that 
,enkindled  Ifae  fiames  of  civil  discord  among  us,  and  why  we  ate  ftdivide^ 
people. 


# 


;  I     4.- 


■f'*\:. 


-%■'' 


r    , 'ft' ■'),:< 


'•T*'" 


^      WBnTBN  JOWABp  tmOip^  OF  TUE  L^TE  WAR 

Courage  n)f^  j^areh»se  libeily. 


Tb  the  People  6f  m  Unitea  Siates. 

"yHlpll^lE  are  certain  periods  in  the  co^rve  ^  human  eveats, 
-vJb^ithe  a^airs  ojf  civil  gov^mineDt  cjurite  an  extraordioary  inte- 
rest i|i  tjlie  public  mind*       '     '  .       , 

Such  a  period  has  commenced.  And  in  a  fti^  ir^pubiic  like 
ours,  .when  a  blind  confidence  in  rulers  could  never. j)§,%  virtue,  it 
would  at  the  present  time  be  crkninal.  <*•■,, 

,,  Whea  the  public  wealth  is  waiting,  and  its  orodit  sinking  in 
^c  dust;  when  the  horrcns  of  a  ruinous  and  hopeless  war  are 
spreading  around  us  devastation  and  misery  j  shall  we,  whoa«  an- 
cestors have  purc^asefi  for  us  our  libertiee  at  the  expense  ot  their 
Wood  SMptd  treafiwe,  amidst  ti^e  fcbundf  r»  of  contending  natipns, 
shall  ws.  their  descendants  standstill,  and  in  stupid  sHencei*»ce 
the  mighty  fabric  of  our  freedom  trembling  to  its  Imse,  witiwjut 
one  bold  and  manl/  effort  to  avert  ita  ruin  ?  ^f 

We  believe  still,  that  among  our  unaHeijable  rightt  ace  those 
of  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  lappinesfi  ;  -nd  to  secure  these 
rights  and  for  this, purpose  only,  governments  ;  instituted  amcaig 
inen.  ,  *  1774,  we  remonstrated  against  the  administration  of  the 
Bi^tish  government  because  as,  we  beUeved,  it  became  destruc- 
tive of  these  great  ends  of  its  institution,  ^nd  to  provide  for  ew- 
s^ivea  a  constitution  which  should  secure  to  us  a  remedy  against 
tfee  abuse  of  power,  we  appealed  to  arms,  and  after  a  conflict  of 
ojgbt  long  years,  .i^?!victoriotisIy  triumphed. 

p^^bty  revolution  was  ©flSectttJ,  this  dreadful  aacrifice  of 
btoea  and  treasure  was  suffused,  te  secure  to  the  people  of  the 
United  States  the  right  of  changing  the  councils  of  the  nation-, 
Whenever  their  interest^  or  happiness  should  rcquins  it.  , 


But  we  have  a.  yet  oiUf  i«arD«d  from  thu  event  ti»t  .ppwsaad 
man  po.^„cs  the  pa^^^^^,^  ^-i  th«  a  bo  d  .nd^ 
dy  race  bke  that  whick  dehiiwi4i ,!,,  ili-_-j__ ,  ■"<!  n«r- 

thepto  been  exhausted  in  vain  ««««*▼«  w- 

wretcKed  do«.nion  of  cleapotic  ^^  ^^^e  2^:1^4: 

entlte,  «n»Wst  fte  conflicts  of  contemfing  faction*,  of  nii^im.  .J 
Tice  and  error!  Vain  and  delusive  ho  J    M^JL  ' 

and  physical  power  may  acquir.  iiberT  buflL  ! J""^' 

Jlut  if  the  wed*  of  dissolution  are  implanted  Itt  the  constitatmn 
oi  our  republic,  and  death  „.ust  be  it.  f«e,  it  let  ^t^\^S^^^^^ 
owe^to  the  .memory  of  our  iUustrious  fo  her.  ^^Z^J^ 

•  Purchased  it  ibraswitfithei. blood,  which  weowetoo^X^ 
our  country  and  posieeit^^fe  „tnin  everv  nerve  Jhl^,rth.  7  J 
poivcr  of  iatcHect,  and  if  hete««-.„V  .  '  "**'*"**  ^^^  !»« 

.o  protect  uMy;..;:2:rc7t7r^^^^^^ 

1  he  boasted  l.hcrt.e.  of  Greece  and  Rome  could  not  sorv^eX 
conflicts  of  contending  faction;  they  have  perished,  an^Ztever 
rem«,ned  of  the  spirit  of  real  liberty  in  mXn  Eur;pe^!8  tjnl 
«n  aayl«^  only  in  the  United  States.  ^  ""** 

In  the  political  a.  well  as  the  natural  or  mb»I  »rtrf,i  .i. 
dple  that  lite  causes  will  pi^uce  mlT^^Ti.^Xl'Z 
tant  and  true.  And  the  history  of  republics  ia.  SV.  2^ 
such  a  state  of  things  «»  «ow  exists,  has  always  pled.d'  fri 
been  „  .t  were  the  precursor  of  their  ruin :  AndVri  evrr!  a^e  a^ 
».Uon  «  which  rations  liberty  ha.  existed  and  becnTosfth^ 
have  proved  the  tocsin  of  civrt  war,  it.  final  catastrophe  ' 

Mm  who  are  hi,m,  and  *<hicated  in  the  «»<•  ^-JL  ' 

do  „o.  M «,  «,«„,  ..„  .*„  „irrr;,rr  r:s 


,  imB  to  cotnmcpce  |l«  ImHneti  of  roWieiy,  d«vMMtti«i 
and  murder. 

iiktlM  conilicts  wf  prny  diif  m  jwnjite4  !)•»#  to  in^re»«f»Hn  r^tig- 
n||>p4»  i^d  m  viralMice,  Uwr  their  i^flue^ee  8«em»  t©bkl,d«||ft»© 
t»,th«  O^mmion  of  r««fafi.  Cft4-«Rd  dl^MSfientte  diwiukitia^ 
1mmmm>9l^  ^ot^m»9V^mAm$»P^ty  of  party  «id^thf 
*i*"»W«M#4  m^^  of  our  com^  are  abwrbed  m  the  view*  of  ^d- 
Vftte  aqil^iyii^ :  «,  «{»mt  of  hatred^:  of  maKcc  and  revenge  hw  ay- 
»»y*4#|»«ry;ffMMJt  s«suwt  bk  f«ll9ir  ithe  di»cordaii|t  to«r«ft«r -^ 
the  mullitude  swells  in  CTery  breeae^and  Hktf  the  ifprific  so«^ 
which  precedes  the  earthquake,  adnrt««MlM»  iis«>f«i  iiM»roacWng 
GonvulsioR:  The.  last  r»public  on  earth  i«  divided  J^h«i  itself 
aiwi  t»qtDUe$  to^i  fid)  i 

lAnd  ja  there  no  i«m«# I  »*Qp  hip^be  liictofjr  of  Mlm  ^piib- 
Iks  been  recorded  for  us  in  vauv?;,.,  ^I^tyihe  eviU^hkhf  !|rrpu^ 
us,  reimlted  from  fin  iroperkmn  and  in«vit»bJ|e  neeeasity  ?;,,iy|ai|y 
^f <»i;Wy#MoW  «it»»««s»  well  rena^mbcr.ttiat  hapi^  p«?r»ofli  of 
Wvhipt(»p4  wbt»ja|J  hef^t»  weie  unkmi  jn  the  chmfs  of;  tMrffirst 
phief  magistrate,  who  presided  in  the  twuncilaof  the  rtpiibll^. 

The  first  orjganixation  of  our  govepvnaeot  was  hailed  by.  aU 
clinsea f|f  onr,  <^;9enf,a»  the  trJuiaphant  inomii^  ofa  ^illef^ial 
^j  mfm^m'^imf  *.  i«or«,pe«le«it  u^ion  of  ^fnti^unt  oxluhite4 
b»  <»rtb,  than  by  the  freemen  of  ihe  United  Stales^  J^  ihP  year 
one  thousand  aeven  handred  and  eighty-nine,  !n  the  choiae  of 
their  rvder^«  .^nd  never  did  the  i^jgislators  of  a  free  people  coi^- 
nand  more  ^o^fidi^ce  from  their  co^i^ijpnts,  than  the««  wfaqi« 
that  time,  adnunistered  the  p)Veii[iifte|it.  But  only  ^^y^ 
years  have  passed  away,  and  how  c}*imge<}  i»  the  scene  j  how  p^v- 
tentous  the  prospect  before  us!  AH  confidence  |o  our  yi^lers 
UmU  all  confidence  in  each  other.  No  onion  anumg  our  ciUaem, 
except  in  tho  belief  of  this  one  solemn  trtith,  that  our  disunion 
will  80<m  put  an  end  to  our  liberties^      ., ,  ,  >  . 

Thoae  party  disaensions  which  palsy  th<.arm  of  government, 
overwhelm  the  wisdom  and  defeat  the  councils  of  the  republic, 
haw  l^d  their  origin.  The  present  disti^cted  state  of  things, 
has  evidently  been  produced  by  a  certain  chain  of  events,  which 
can^aseasUy  be  traced  to  theif  origmal  cause,  as  ©ur  rivers  ^ 
*"—  80urc«  i  and  it  i»  just  as  absitrd,  to  think  ©f  changing  it  for 


\-4 


>  (' 


( ■  i 


%. 


ft'  i  i 


the  stream  while  its  source  retnaws.  »'.i .  rjTTo,.; 

of  this  Inlp«W!»ttC  ti<«th^<li^.iT  y^^^  aitiA;*«t*^t  fUMT  dLrtrt 

;    mn6t  <it  thit  IMS  nwHJm  fi  ««}tta%  ftpi*r{««M*r  «*  ||fi|»,a|^cia 

itite,  A^  to  «  ftlMVitemiffliic  cort^t^,    Bt|ilii||V^ili^||yi^^ 

pfecepthif  Height  wa,  that  <l<tf'}ng|it«ii#^dr^ty>|ftlU»lM»i  ii^3 

ii  wfiich  pre«<5flts  iii  «wtol)arf»eMri  th«f^#»y«iliatr  rtJM  whieU 
ifbt'only  otfr  ^teietit  ne«il'ssitie*,  l^t  the  mymtimmtM'W^}iifW' 
pufclifcah  Instttationsimperioo'sly Hemirti^,   '  Mir*      'iinijii!«;  ^ 

-:  ffii^igrtt Wir^hlchliisbf^a^ dn  tt ffi^ rl rff^ntt tormnjnyii 

energies  of  every  class  of  citiiens.  To  hikV#y<Hive(r  tb'8«>kJ^^ 
^^'  ""^  ^'oridca  termM«H3«h  6f Hhd  jk>«ll«t  contest^th*  WKble 
^t offltc  repuBilt  alidufOAave  betft  Wi^ghttff,  to  «»te*t««^ 

r^rji  a^c %ttia»  '•iito^^^^MAg-^peftai^  tttf^l^K^ 
,flft  p«^p|*;  rtfeaaUr^  <^ff<featarnf  awful- lna8*»«ii«'Hke  that  df 
trarjr^fiiiSli  ii  td  put  at  ftwteW,  Rfcy  »^ty,  aM  #o«^rt*,%bd«i 
corr«Hlport«^irt,tlie#giq|^qil«,,^l^^^^^,^^p^       ,  ^'       . 

With  a  frontier  on  thi  *ho«^'W«the*fktlJ^|>df  mtirfe  thi* 
fourteM  hfjnflrert  mile8|cjt{jo9e^«kft'fert*mf  mi> Mil!  Mfiej.  c^a 

j*»  rtorfbj1>6rdWi«^  t««*<Wif%fe»%«rtitfW«ii<%lTOgfe^  ittfl  n^ 
^•;  WK*#<tiJapc^lat;d«ori*'^aftoutfe*t5«%i»|«IS«th!h^e^    " 

tmd-'t^et  mnTtiihen%tmtm,f, i? ithdut am^r wubdtit forati 

ckfioife,with«it^«kdtft!aftd^tft«,p^»'o»»d^Sue!?ci*ttito3te^^^ 
declare  wai-  wltftoUt  art  assupanc^' thft!*  «hd  li«ft>|^'1«itoW  n^ 
KeArtind  hami  in  support  tfftbtjeaufteirati^  bt'thk*©  tHaij-i^ 
piditjr,  it  must  be  foliy  and  nwdndss in  t^  exiretrtW  -^^'M  u^'     >u<: 

Ami  had  tf  J  na«i6t%  of,  tW  pffes^rtt  ^ar  IWs'airf*i*i«<^  ai^^ 
feilow^itiaen5,>o«'  WWIiriii^  mbrmtm'mo  siWiiet  #M'ft 
kftowrithat  War  ^aS  dfe-cliieU  Against  Great^BrtSfto,  tiitfn  one  ge- 
nera! expressron  of  disratppit»bati«i  and  of  i^fMe'tti  ^^aifcitutfe  ^ 
•lb  evcM,  pervaded  all^i  Jsea/^> 

In  a  freo  repuWir-  which  Uas  virtue  for  its  base,  and  the  ^mrd 


tamrftmmp 


,.*<P'-«^'5 


htpptoess  lb^itt  supreme  object,  the  people  unintlucoced  by  jai* 
'  tioii  or  prejudice,  will  never  believe  it  to  be  wiao  or  expedieati 
to  leako  wary  er«n  wbcn  the  cause  would  justify  resistance,  un< 
less  there  is  at  least  some  prround  to  hope  that  the  injnrid  luntlon 
will  be  able  thereby  to  redress  her  wrongs.  The  idea  that  tiM 
conquest  of  Cuiadat  could  it  be  effseted,  would  compel  6reat-BH* 
tain  to  yield  to  our  claims  on  the  ocean,  is  too  ridiciiloui*  to  ad- 
mit ctf  any  consideration  :  and  no  one  who  had  much  knowledge 
of  her  political  state,  believed  she  would  give  up  ^he  right  she 
chiimed  to  impress  her  native  seamen  when  found  in  neotraj 
ships,  to  any  one  except  her  conquerors  ;  and  to  ber.ome  her  ctio* 
querors  the  people  tutd  aditheir  a  dispositieot  nor  confidence  In 
their  power.  ,    ' 

The  rulers  of  a  free  people  would  never  hazard  Uieir  popului' 
ty,  by  disregardinf;^  tl^  igrtax  and  funcfaimental  maxims  of  their  go- 
vernment, while  they  believed  th^  cool  and  unprejudiced  reason 
Avas  predominant  in  the  public  mind. 

B^  haye  we  not  reason  to  fear  that  happy  period  of  our  exis- 
tence is  passed,  t>''ver  to  return. 

«  In  proportion  as  the  structure  of  a  government  gives  force  to 
public  opinion,  U  should  be  enlightened."  But  when  I  ask  wero 
the  people  enlightened,  when  consulted,  when  were  they  eall<»l 
upon  to  deliberate  seriously  upon  tiie  expediency  of  makii^  waV 
•n  the  Britisi)  nation,  for  the  purpose  of  compelling  her  to  yield 
her  right  of  impressment.  Never  until  war  was  resolved  upon* 
was  it  pretended  that  in  the  year  18)ft,  ttus  cause  would  justity 
resistance ;  or  even  if  it  would,  that  it  was  wise  or  expedient  t« 
declare  war  at  that  time.  The  British  Orders  in  CotiAcU  were 
equally  with  the  French  Milan  and  Berlin  Decrees,  considered 
by  the  people  as  the  only  causes  which  could  justify  resistance. 
These  obnoxious  Orders  and  Decrees  it  was  believed  were  intend- 
ed by  the  two  great  belligerents  of  Europe  to  uiiHjy  each  other, 
•  rather  than  to  be  aimed  at  pur  neutral  commerce. 

When  it  was  known  in  this  country  that  the  obnoxiofts  Deerec^ 
of  France  were  repealed,  the  people  Relieved,  they  had  good  rea- 
son to  believe,  that  the  British  Orders  in  Council  would  soon  hm 
revoked.  When,  therefore, the  adminiairalion  had  recommende<^ 
AD  immediate  appeal  to  arras,  and  the  iiBderaiists  then  in  CoQ' 

B 


.■.-Jim.i 


m^ 


1  * 


I  K 


^l#  -. 

^grcs3,  saw  the  torreniTof  calatniliel  d»nit  to  bur&tuoon  tlie  oiini-' 

try,  thejr  warned,  they  intreated  theni  to  delay,  eren  for  a  few 

day*,  until  despatches  from  Great-Britaio  could  arrive,  which 

Blight  announce  the  revocation  o.  ihc  Orders  in  Council ;  and  if 

r%ar  was  inevitable,  they  urged  them  to  delay  a  measure  of  aueh 

awful  tnagnitude,  until  the  country  could  be  better  prepared  to 

Jneet  the  event      But  in  vain ;  the  war  was  proclaimed,  ctMitrary 

to  the  views  and  wishes  of  the  people,  not  of  that  class  orrty  who 

.    are  called  federalists,  but  the  great  body  of  freemen,  who  have  to 

hazard  their  lives  and  property  in  the  contest. 

Before  Grcat.firitain  could  have  any  knowledge  of  this  event, 
and  within  eight  days  after  it  happened,  her  Orders  in  Council 
were  revoked,  and  that  as  soon  as  she  had  knowledge  of  the  re- 
peal of  the  Miiaw  and  Berlin  decrees.    This  was  an  event  which 
our  rulers  must  have  anticipated.     No  sooner  had  a  knowledge 
oftherevocatidn  ofthe  Orders  in 'Council  reached  this  country, 
than  the  people  expected  an  armistice,  and  an  immediate  end  put 
to  hostilities.    They  did  not  believe  the  administration  were  se- 
riously resolved  on  a  war  at  that  time,  to  compel  the  British  to 
.yield  their  right  of  impressment,  as  they  w'ell  remcmberctl  that 
;Mr.  Monroe,  who  Mr.  Madison  had  employed  to  settle  that  bu- 
amessi  had  declared  that  the  propositions  made  by  the  British 
commission,  and  the  explanation  which  accompanied  it,  was  both 
,*onorable  and  advantajjeous  to  the  United  States  :  and  that  it 
<!Ontained  a  concession  in  their  favour  on  the  part  of  Great-Bri-' 
/tain,  on  the  great  principle  in  contestation,  never  before  made 
%  a  formal  and  obligatory  act  of  their  government,  which  -mm 
highly  favorable  to  their  interests.     Therefore,  with  respect  to 
that  the  people  did  not  believe  all  hope  of  settlement  by  treaty 
had  failed,  notwithstafiding  what  Mr.  Madison  had  said  to  the  con- 
trary. 

The  public  opinion  had  not  been  enlightened  on  any  subjact 
relative  to  the  causes  of  the  war,  except  the  Orders  in  Council, 
so  far  as  to  induce  the  people  to  indulge  for  a  moment  a  conB- 
detice,  that  any  other  cause  existed  at  that  time  which  could  jus- 
tify offensive  hostilitie's.  But  their  expectations  were  disappoint- 
ed.  No  armistice  was  to  take  place,  none  was  ever  contemplatedi 
by  our  rulers,  but  only  by  the  honest  freemen  who  wished  for  it, 
who  wished  for  peace.  .. 


-fl'' 


in  tlieonm]* 
1  for  a  fevr 
rive,  which 
ucil;  and  if 
fe  of  audi 
pre{xired  to 
!d,  c(Hitrai7 
is  only  who 
irho  have  to 

this  erent, 
in  Council 
of  the  rc- 
irent  which 
knowledge 
ts  country, 
kte  end  put 
m  were  se- 
British  to 
ibered  that 
le  that  bu- 
he  British 
[)  was  botli 
nd  that  it 
Gfreat-Bri-' 
ore  made 
I'hich  waa 
respect  te» 
by  treaty 
0  the  con- 

y  subject 
Council, 
t  a  confi- 
ould  jus- 
sappoint- 
emplateil^ 
ed  for  it» 


This  hopeless  and  ruinous  war  must  go  on;  a  war  which  has 
already  driven  from  our  defenceless  frontiers  the  helpless  and 
peaceable  inhabitants;  which  has  l^id  in  ruins  our  flourishing 
towns  and  villages,  which  Las  filled  our  land  with  widows  and  or- 
phans, with  suffering,  with  sorrow,  and  with  tears ;  and  which  has 
already  entailed  on  posterity,  a  debt,  which  will  inflict  on  genem- 
tions  yet  unborn,  years  of  toil  and  of  pfiin.  And  after  all  this,  otor 
adnimstration  w!!J  be  forced  to  accept  of  a  disgraceful  peace,  if 
they  can  giet  any.        ^ 

lam  sensible  thet-e'Js'alai^e  class  of  citizens  amoi)gus,QO 
whom  argument  would  be  lost;  who  would  shut  their  eyes  against 
the  light,  and  their  cars  to  truth  ;  who  would  jather  see  the  last 
vestige  of  republican  liberty  in  ruin,  tlian  see  their  leaders  forced 
to  resign  {be  power  which  they  have  abused ;  in  wl^  breasts  the 
interests  and  the  loveofnarty  has  extinguished  every  glow  ^f 
patriotism :  To  such  inen  I  do  not  appeal ;  but  to  those  who 
would  yet,  tb  ihe  p^ltl-y  views  of  party,  prefef  the  durable  inte- 
rests atad  glofy  of  their  country  ;  to  them  I  appeal,  and  to  their 
candid  and  serious  consideration  I  submit-^whether  the  present' 
war,  and  the  ruinous  policy  which  has  led  to  it,  has  riot  been  pro« 
dtlced  by  councils  founded  in  corruption  and  error. 

On  the  nineteenth  day  of  June  1812,  could  llie  voice  of  the  peo- 
ple been  heard  in  the  capitol,  would  it  not  have  thundered  its  so- 
lemn veto  on  the  proceedings  of  that  awful  day  ?  Could  they  for  a  . 
jnoment  have  Exercised  the  powers  of  legislation,  would  they  not 
have  indignantly  annulled  an  act,  engende-  jd  in  the  Court  of  St. 
Cioud,  and  recorded  in  letters  of  blood  ? 

It  is  not  necessary  for  me  at  this  time  to  presait  to  your  vision 
all  that  formidable  array  of  evils,  which  are  last  gathering  around 
us,  and  which  have  evidently  been  produced  by  the  weak  and  cor- 
rupt policy  of  the  last  fourteen  years,  to  convince  you  that  thp  v 
councils  of  the  nation  ought  to  be  changed.  The  fact  is  ackncW- 
ledgcd :  not  by  the  authors  of  this  policy :  not  by  diose  who  have, 
or  who  expect  to  derive  emoluments  from  tlieir  agency  in  the 
present  administration :  but  by  the  honest  freeman,  who  hold  no 
oSBce  uhuer  the  administration,  and  who  expect  none.  They  with 
the  frankness  and  sincerity  becoming  republicans,  who  wish  to 
pi^petuate  the  duration  of  their  liberties,  they  now  declare  they 


«, 


if. 


'  HI 


-%. 


■'■^imm.imm^i^ 


1$ 

•Relieve  the  present  policy  must  be  chingcd,  to  s«»e  from  vmi 
the  jnterefcts  and  the  gloiy  of  our  republic. 

But  these  good  and  honest  citizens,  have  not  m  yet  discovered 
t^  means  by  which  thia  all  important  change  can  |ie  effected. 

They  have  hoped,  and  hoped  in  vain,  thatthe  men  or  the  friends 
»nd  advocates  of  these  very  nnen,  who  have  produced  the  present 
|itate  of  things  vrill  change  it  for  the  better. 
.^  A  strange  fatality  seems  always  to  have  marked  the  courefr  of 
iwpublics.  Events  happen,  «  and  wc  are  astonished,  as  if  they 
were  miracles."  One  would  suppose  that  opr  citizens  had  alrea- 
dy tost  sight  of  the  great  object  of  our  rcpublicwi  institutions. 

Recollect  for  a  momeiit  what  were  your  sentiments  respectinjj 
^  remedy  for  national  calamities  fourteen  years  ^go.  You  thep 
bcld  it  as  a  principle  that  power  long  exercised  had  a  corrupting 
influence  on  the  conduct  of  nilers:  that  whenever  through  coTt 
jfuptiw  or  error  an  administration  bad  adopted  a  system  of  policy 
destructive  to  the  interests  of  the  nation,  it  was  expedient  to 
change  that  administration,  by  placing  it  in  the  hands  of  ethers, 
not  of  those  V>*o  had  advocated  and  supported  such  destructiv* 
policy,  but  of  those  who  had  opposed  and  condemned  it.  You 
then  professed  to  believe  that  in  a  republic  like  ours,  the  admin- 
istration should  haye  no  views,  no  object  pr  no  interests  opposed 
to  the  views  and  wishes  of  the  p^ple.  And  y«^u  professed  to 
believe,  whether  you  had  or  had  not  grounds  for  your  belief,'  that 
*  the  federal  administration  had  produced  evils  to  remedy  which  a 
change  was  necessary.  You  <;alle« .  on  your  friends  and  fellow- 
<;itizens  to  aid  you  in  effecting  a  change  of  ru/era  by  th«|r  suiTra- 
ges :  they  gave  yoti  ^heir  aid.  I^housands  at  that  time  sacredly 
pledged  themselves  that  they  had  nothing  in  view  at  that  time,  in 
wishing  for  a  change  of  rulera,  but  the  interest  and  glory  of  their 
country.  That  whenever  they  foui^  themselves  disappointed  in 
the  resu' I  of  npw  measures,  they  would  aid  in  restoring  the  pow- 
er of  the  «brmep  administration. 

And  vour  new  measures  have  now  been  tried  for  more  than  four- 
teen  years,  and  beyond  all  endurance. 

And  noyr  you  ask  what  can  be  done  to  save  the  republic. 

The  united  energirs  and  the  whole  resources  of  the  countiy 
$ire  put  in  requisition,  and  we  ar^  a  divided  people.    Qae  puUs 


•■jfr 


re  than  four* 


jthU  way  and  another  that :  the  wheels  of  gOTeniinent  roll  heavily 
on  and  our  enemies  triumph. 

You  fellow  citixena  who  arc  advocates  for  the  present  policy, 
until  very  latcty  professed  to  believe  that  an  opposition  to  the 
measures  of  the  majority  had  a  salutary  effect  on  the  admini^ra- 
tiw:  that  it  tended  to  keep  alive  the  spirit  of  liberty,  and  aWaken 
the  people  to  a  sense  of  the  dangerous  encroachments  of  abused 
|iower.  Had  the  leaders  of  the  party  in  power  opposed  measures 
only,  you  might  at  this  time  have  gloried  in  the  privileges  of  m 
elective  government,  and  would  long  be&tte  this,  have  arrested 
the  progress  of  those  evils  which  have  brought  us  to  the  present 
alarming  crisis. 

But  their  opposition  was  not  confined  to  measures.  Federalists 
]^ve  been  proscribed,  and  denounced,  as  dangerous  men,  ene- 
mtes  to  our  republican  constitution,  tories  aiid  British  partizans, 
Tjuworthy  the  confidence  of  a  free  people.  And  this  accusation 
has  been  repeated  so  many  millions  of  times  tliat  many  of  the 
honest  electois  really  believe  it  roust  be  true.  They  tell  you 
that  it  i«-io  vain  to  question  the  truth  of  what  has  been  believed 
Ibr  trtei*y  five  years; 

It  is  indeed  a  lamentable  fact,  that  so  many  of  qnt  best  citiaea» 
tbotild  after  fighting  and  suffering  eight  years  to  establish  an  elec- 
tive  government,  wish  to  erect  on  its  ruins  an  hereditary  monar- 
chy :  but  our  good  republicwa  rulers  tell  us,  it  is  so,  wA  we  can- 
not doubt  the  truth  of  it. 

In  those  countries  where  the  structure  and  administration  of 

the  ^vernment  is  based  on  the  ignorance  and  abject  condition  of 

the  people,  it  is  not  strange  that  the  arts  of  deception  and&lse- 

|iood  shoidd  prevail  against  reason  and  common  sense :  but  that 

m  majority  of  the  enlightened  citizens  of  the  United  States,  should 

fall  the  victims  of  tism  most  absurd  v^  fetal  delusion,  in  the  very 

hifancy  of  that  republic  which  their  wisdom,  their  virtue  and  he- 

foic  deeds  had  but  just  achieved,  is  one  of  those  political  phe- 

nomenons,  which  prejudice  alone  can  divest  ot  mystery.    One 

vould  suppose  that  many  of  our  citiaens  had  utterly  despaired  of 

eaving  the  republic,  and  seeing  the  rwd  to  ruin  inevitable,  had 

resolved  to  shut  their  eyes  against  the  light  of  truth,  thinking  that 

like  assc»  they  can  travel  «  best  in  dangerous  reads  witfe  Windera 


-.1 


t'.      J  A 


^.l 


«''  ^r 


'\.... 


■•♦ 


^ 


T6rl  zik  yinm  ♦vn*  miy  hot  the  h&dm  of  the  party  in  p^^, 
ef  inflict  wUh  impunity,  so  long  as  tkcy  assume  the  name  *tf 
repubhr^n  ?  Notwithstanding  tlsey  have  seen  Napoleon  under 
that  asstMwed  name  enslave  and  oppress  thirty  mlllJdns  of  dela- 
^d  Fl^h<:hmen,  and  on  the  ruins  of  liberty,  erect  a  despotism 
^  horrid  and  so  stupendous,  that  nothing  but  the  conflagration 
W  Moscow  could  stop  it«  progress  to  the  mitis  of  a  mm  1 

Tet  in  the  United  States  tbij  word  republican  has  acqtnred  a 
**ag!c,  a  resistless,  charm.  One  who  assumes  that  appellation 
iiftachfes  to  his  character,  all  those  admirable  qualities,  which 
cotistitute  the  pure  patriot,  the  exclusive  friend  of  an  elective 
government,  and  the  rights  of  man.  While  the  man  who  hu 
tlM5  misfortune  to  be  called  a  federalist,  is  not  only  proscribed 
PA  »  tory  and  dangerous  citiajen,  but  becomes  thereby  absolute- 
ly disfranchised.  For  as  it  respects  the  evils  which  may  result 
to  society  or  individualsi  by  excluding  from  office  a  large  por- 
tton  of  our  most  respectable  citizens,  it  is  the  same  whcihcr 
they  are  excluded  through  the  influence  of  fraud  aild  delusioti, 
or  by  power  of  the  constitution. 

When  during  the  French  revolution,  the  deluded  citifctn.  of 
fhat  df     ted  country,  believed  there  was  no  way  to  regain  their 
"long  lost  Kberues,"  but  by  cuttinro?  the  head,  of  their  best 
emacns,  the  error  proved  as  fatal  to  the  poor  victirns  of  the 
gtrHtotine,and  to  the  liberties  of  those  who  escaped  it,  as  though 
they  had  suffered  by  virtue  of  authorilydertved  from  a  consti- 
tutten  of  civil  government:    When  prejudice  becomes  deep 
Wotcd,  so  as  to  gain  an  entire  ascendency  over  the  mind,  it  has 
thfe* power  o:  a  law  upon  the  conduct  and  becomes  even  a  more 
mvariaWe  rule  of  actioh,    For  rhen  are  sometimes  disposed  t» 
violate  the  law,  and  when  they  can  with  impunity,  win  do  it f 
^vhcTcas,  they  never  feel  disposed  to  act  against  their  invetei 
J'atc  prejudices. 

When  in  ah  elective  government  such  prej-idices  have  armed 
«ne  part  of  the  citizens  against  the  other,  and  all  confidence  in 
each  othens  lost,  the  minority  are  thereby  rendered  IncHgible 
to  office,  they  arein  cifect  disfranchised  no  long  as  such  prejudices 
W#predommant.  The  republic  insuch  a  state  partakes  of  an  ar- 
»locracy,  irt'  propohion  as-  the  nuaber  of  proscribed  citteerif,  re- 


:::./' 


'W  .  5^^-  ^.. 


i;» 


duces  the  ntiitiber  of  those  who  onlf  can  administer  the  govCTti-  ^ 
nien*i    Suppose  then  we  have  in  the  United  States,  one  million  of  ^ 
free  white  male  citizens,  about  five  hundred  thousand  of  these  have 
the  misfortune  to  be  called  federalists;  and  arc  denounced  as£ne' 
xnies  to  o\ir  free  constitution  and  to  republican  liberty.  It  is  acknow* 
ledged  these  men  are  at  least  equally  respectable,  for  their  talents, 
their  uiformation,  their  wealth  and  useful  hiritits.    Among  thej^- 
inaining  five  hundred  thousand,  composing  the  party  in  power, 
the  leaders  of  that  party  will  not  select  and  recommend  to  the  peo- 
ple as  candidates  for  offke ;  nore  than  one  to  five  hundred,  so 
that  in  the  pre«ent  state  of  parties,  the  electors  who  support  the 
present  policy  by  their  «uffmge8,  under  the  influence  of  .these  in- 
veterate prejudices,  which  exclude  federalists  from  «  participation 
in  the  administration,  hsave  to  select  those  who  are  to  direct  and 
controul  our  great  national  concerns,  from  less  than  one  thou- 
«andth  part  of  the  freemen.    And  ftmong  these  it  will  be  acknow- 
ledged a  great  number  are  more  distinguished  for  their  party 
xeal,than  by  those  important  q«aUficatioii8  which  the  high  re-      ' 
spectability  of  their  trust  requires. 

So  long  as  the  inihience  of  these  prejudices  continues  to  blind 
and  delude  so  many  of  qur  citlisens,  the  leaders  of  the  party  in 
power  may  rest  secure  in  the  patronage  of  their  constituent^  tin* 
til  they  shall  establish  an  aristocracy  on  the  ruins  of  liberty,  ..  * 

If  it  is  said  the  electors  ai^e  not  bound  to  regard  a  nomination 
tmtde  by  the  leaders  of  a  party,  it  may  be  answered,  it  is  equally- 
true,  that  under  the  influence  of  party  spirit  and  i^veten^e  preju- 
dice, its  usual  concomitant ;  it  is  certain  they  always  have,,  and 
always  will  regard  it. 

When  therefore,  it  becomes  an  irrevocable  principle  withabare 
majorit}'  of  the  people  to  exclude  from  the  administration,  a  cet- 
uin  clat  >  of  citizens,  to  be  designated  by  a  particular  appelladonj 
wid  com  prising  only  a  minority  of  the  freemen,  the  leaders  of  that 
majority,  may  with  impunity  sacrifice  the  interests  of  their  constit- 
uents, to  the  advancement  of  their  own.  For  suppose  you  dismiss 
from  their  >  aces  in  the  national  legislature,  the  leaders  of  the 
majority, and  appoint  otliers  of  the  same  party  in  their  stead,  it  is 
evident  a  combination  may  still  exist  among  the  few  v^ell  inibrm- 
ed  and  influential  leaders,  of  the  party  both  in  and  out  of  office,  for 
theparposeofpromoungtheir  own  views,  ift  oppoaition  to  the 


\'M 


'M 


#■ 


4h 


!6 

♦tews  and  Wishes  of  the  people ;  for  so  long  as  theySaliltme  to 
tiiemselves  the  right  name,  call  it  republican  or  what  you  please, 
they  may  rest  assured  that  the  majority  will  support  them. 

And  it  is  generally  true,  that  the  members  of  the  national  legia- 
lature,  at  the  expiration  of  their  term,  if  they  are  not  re-elected, 
are  still  prov'  .ed  with  some  snug  office,  and  go  out  among  their 
cqyp*tituent8  faithfully  pledged  to  support  that  policy  which  they 
have  been  instrumental  in  establishing. 

From  the  nature  of  man  and  from  the  invariable  effects  of  the 
influence  of  party  spirit  on  his  political  conduct,  it  will  always  be 
found,  that  to  change  the  policy  of  an  administration,  in  an  elective 
government,  where  all  the  electors  are  divided  into  two  great  par- 
ties, a  revolution  of  those  parties  is  absolutely  necessary.  Fede« 
ral  measures  would  never  have  been  changed  by  federal  men. 
This  truth  you  once  believed.  \nd  those  of  you  who  pledged 
yourselves  to  restore  the  powjr  of  the  federal  administration, 
■whenever  you  found  yourselvts  disappointed  in  the  result  of  new 
measures,  would  now,  it  is  believed,  gladly  change  the  present 
ruinous  policy  by  restoring  to  power  federal  men,  had  not  your 
prejudices  usurped  the  throne  of  cool  and  dispassionate  reascMi. 

Y«u  are  convinced  that  the  merits  of  an  administration  of  civil 
government  should  be  adjudged  by  its  fruits  and  not  by  a  name. 
And  yet  when  the  policy  of  our  present  rulers  has  involved  us  in 
scenes  of  calamity  from  which  they  have  not  power  to  extricate 
us,  you  persist  in  proscribing  and  denouncing  as  unworthy  of 
y  wir  confidence  one  half  of  your  fellow  freemen,  because  they  ar» 
called  federalists. 

But  there  are  times  when  the  triumphs  of  political  delusion^ 
over  a  minority  must  come  to  an  end,  when  the  errors  of  rulers  cant 
not  be  practised  with  im  punity.  Such  are  times  of  great  national  ca- 
lamity, when  life,  liberty,  and  property  are  pm  at  hazard.  Then 
it  is  that  the  errors  of  an  administration,  sheds  on  commtinity  its 
dire  effects  and  awakens  the  spirit  of  inquiry  into  the  causes  of 
the  evils  which  surround  them.  Such  is  the  present  crisis.— Un» 
til  the  commencement  of  the  present  war,  the  advocates  for  the 
late  nteasures  of  the  administration,  have  affected  to  view  our  po- 
litical dissensions  with  great  indifference  :  to  consider  a  fiiction 
in  a  free  state  as  a  necessary  appeixlage  of  liberty.  But  no  soon- 
er wci-c  hostilities  provlMme4  between  this  country  and  Great 


t7 

» 

Brttain,  than  the  minority  were  called  ap<*iito  join  heart  and  band 
in  support  of  the  contest,  or  submit  to  the  imputation  of  beii^ 
identified  with  the  enenaies  of  oar  coantrjr.  Thus  was  the  oppo- 
sition  to  be  hushed  into  irfleuce,  wkJ  the  liberty  of  speech  and  of 
the  press,  those  grca*^  bulwarks  of  frecdiom,  prestratcd  in  the  dutt. 

A  powerful  minority  is  no  longer  considered  a»  a  harmieta 
ftction.  The  affairs  of  the  republic  have  come  to  a  crisis,  in 
which  union  has  become  indispensable  to  prevent  a  disastrous  and 
inglorioufi  termination  of  the  present  contest.  But  it  i»  io  vain  to 
talk  of  onion  without  just  and  correct  ^iews  of  the  causes  of  our 
disunioB.  The  advocates  of  the  present  policy  are  disposed  at, 
last  to  asjjribe  to  our  {Militical  dissensions,  tbe  present  calamitous 
state  of  things,  and  to  the  federalists  the  first  bla(^»ble  cause. 

If  our  mi&ibrtunes  should  lead  us  to  retrace  our  steps,  and  un* 

tnfiaeuccd  by  passion  to  review  our  political  conduct,  and  im{tar' 

tiaUy  to  investigate  the  causes  of  our  divisiorn,  we  taigkt  stiU 

profit  by  them.    The  lessons  of  history  are  before  us,  and  thejr 

have  taught  us  that  thus  far  we  have  travelled  step  by  step,  the 

downward  course  of  fallen  republics.    The  ovUs  which  the  in|- 

mortal  Wasblngtoo,  warned  us  would-be  the  eflects  of  party  spii^ 

rit,  have  already  completed  half  their  work  of  ruin.    They  hm» 

distracted  the  public  councils,  and  enfeebled  the  p«biic  adminls* 

tration :  they  have  agitated  the  coranaunity  with  ill  founded  j«ai» 

lousies  and  klse  alarms:  they  have  kindled  the  animosity  of  oaft 

mrt  agaiust  another :  they  have  fermented  occasional  riot  and  in* 

surrection :  they  have  opened  the  door  to  foreign  iiiflueiKC  and 

corruption,  wliich  have  found  a  facUteated  access  |o  the  govern* 

roent  itself,  through  the  channels  of  party  passions,  and  the  policy 

and  will  of  this  counti7  has  thereby  been  subjected  to  the  pdlicjr 

and  vrill«fa&oth»r. 


,A. 


Ml 


J    ! 
ft 


U  it  a^t 


*u.~ 


•idtlf 


•aghf  St  wiKiom,  while  b«$et  on  e..,y  ,„,,  „ 
^  foreign  «od  powerful  foe.  to  i„q.Ure  with  deep  «„i,u«de  who  k 
^  U«»tl«th  e«kindl,dthefl»B«a  of  ciril  di«:a«i  among  o«r,el,e,. 
The  jmtmi  war  will  probably  come  to  an  end,  at  no  very  die- 
t«ot  period  of  lime :  And  we  hate  too  m»«;h  reason  to  J^  tfe^t 
tlw  iwue  wai  be  diwstrom  if  not  ingjorioaa. 

Bm  the  «rent  of  it  or  of  any  of  our  foreign  relatione,  c«»  ne*er 
»ee«^  to  ua  domble  peace  and  proaperity,  ao  loi^  a*  we  are  ^s- 
twcted  With  domestic  animosity  and  diaaensioi,..  ,        . 

In  a  free  republic  like  our.,  where  all  may  posseaa  the  nmn 
«ean.  of  i„o.i„g  ^  ,^,^  ^,  ^^^^.^  ^^^^^^^^  ^  ^^ 

fe  ence  of  op«^  shonld  divide  them  into  two  ^reat  panie.^ 
Other  ea«,„  have  operated  to  create  o«r  fatal  diviaion.  Tbeae 
«^ !»«  examined.    It  may  not  yet  be  too  late.  «;  , 

^we«  their  Worst  enemies.    Search  them  out  then,  and  ler 

Z^H  "•'^'*'"''"^°  »haH  without  a  cau«,  «.. 

<^P^d«ae„s.ons,  as  mo.,  dangerous  to  yourliberticT  and 
-""^^l  to  your  peace  and  safety,  than  mymda  of  mercenary 
««»fMh  the  miserable  tools  and  slaves  of  foreign  despot., 
-  That  wi«  be  the  most  important  crisis  in  tbe  history  of  our  r.^ 

P«'l-^be«i,ahall  be  recorded  of  «s,  that  our  ««.o« «d  wis- 
^m  t^umph..^  p,3,^„,^  ^^.^^^^     ^^  ^-^- 

wton  by  ou.  cott^tge  we  pu«:hased  lilM^rty,  but  when  by  iMtr  vir. 
«»e  we  aumped  «» it*  eiristeace,  immortal  d»rati#D. 


M 


\9 


No.  2. 

That  will  be  the  mokt  in^rarUnt  CRISIS  in  thtt  kUtoir  of  ou( 
republic,  when  it  shall  be  recwded  of  usf  Uiat  our  reason  uid  m$* 
df>m  triumphed  over  passion  and  prejudice!  net  that  period  when 
by  our  courage  wc  purchased  Ubcrtfi  but  when  by  our  virtue  we 
titatnped  on  its  existence,  immortal  duration. 


WRrtTEN  TOWABb  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  LATE  WAR. 

To  the  eiUsens  of  fie  VnUtdBttiW* 

FarixM  Aim  FizxoW  eiYizxKs. 

IN  great  and  important  revolutions  which  change  either  thf 
form  ofgovemment,6r  the  policy  of  an  administration,  the  peqp 
pTe  ^oon  lose  sight  of  the  first  link  in  the  chain  of  events,  by  whicfi 
it  is  produced. 

That  ardent  love  of  power  so  generally,  if  not  univerKdIy  pre* 
d6itiinant,  operatiSs  on  the  pas^onB,and  disposes  men  to  investi- 
gate the  means  by  which  they  may  retain  it,  rather  than  those  by 
Which  they  have  been  elevated. 

But  if  by  any  means  weak  or  corrupt  men  gain  the  ascendency 
in  the  councils  of  the  natidn,no  great  or  at  least  no  very  durable 
evils,  n«^d  bie  apprehended  from  their  political  eirOrs,  prov«le<i 
their  constituehta  seek  R^  correct  information,  and  remain  tmcor" 
rupted  l^  the  inftuenee  of  party  intoresits. 

There  are  men  enough  in  every  free  state,  who,  to  acquJk'e 
power,  are  ever  r«idy  to  pul  ia  t^ir  cliomt  t»  th»  eiicliitsve  titlt 


i 


p* 


4 


ao 

to ]Mtrtottsni  {'  wb© to tcquire  wwIUj, wouldacquire poiiucal c«i. 
sequence.  ,    ^ 

It  roust  therc|(i^4eperKl  on  the  wisdom  «nd  virtue  of  the  elec- 
tor!, composed  of  the  great  mass  of  useful  citiaens,  to  select  such 
rulers  s.%  will  bent  secure  the  perpetuation  of  liberty.  But  it  un- 
fortunately Nppens  in  popular  governments,  that  the  electors 
from  local  or  other  causes,  are  often  involved  in  the  same  vor- 
tex of  error  and  misguided  «eal,  with  their  rulers.  It  is  not  Grange 
that  men  who  have  not  much  either  of  wisdom  or  virtue,  to  boast 
of,  should  in  the  exercise  of  power  commit  errors, and  even  per- 
severe in  them,  when  they  are  thereby  deriving  immediate  emol- 
uments to  themselves. 

But  that  the  electors*  who  derive  no  benofits  from  the  adminis- 
tration of  civil  government,  but  what  result  from  the  influence 
of  wise  and  equal  laws,  that  they  should  persist  with  persevering 
obstinacy,  to  support  those,  whose  political  conduct  has  been  pppo- 
sed  to  their  views  and  wishes,  and  whose  measures  have  disappoin- 
ted their  most  sanguine  hopes,  cannot  be  accounted  for  in  any 
other  way  than  by  supposing  they  are  actuated  by  the  influei»i^of 
delusion  and  prejudice. 

Our  error  and  our  misfortune  has  been,  that  while  we  have 
fcen  and  suflFered  the  effects  of  party  dissensions,  we  have  not  re. 
traced  our  steps  to  the  first  cause.  According  to  the,  usual 
course  of  republics,  we  have  progressed  from  bad  to  worse,  uti- 
ti!  at  last,  the  evils  resulting  from  the  policy  of  the  last  fourteen 
years  appear  to  be  fast  approaching  to  a  remediless  crisis. 
It  has  been  well  observed  by  a  distinguished  writer,  «  that  the 

•  The  author  would  apply  his  remarks  throu^out  this  address    oaitL,* 
lariy  to  thai  class  of  electors,  who  make  no  3e„s.on.  toThe^^IT^" 
«q.i..te  to  the  d«t.es  of  pubUc  office,  and  wh'o.  when'^r  the^^o^a^^^^^ 
tbebestmterestof  theircountry.woaW  pursue  k.      ,      '^'''^^^^'"' 


|M^1«  mf  sever  in  luch  (kmi^M  when  placinf  a  10^  conA. 
4«ice  in  their  repretentattvt'8 ;  whn,  acting  in  « ||||pjr,  divide  the 
,a«nsa  crf^ame  or  disgrace  among' each  other}  ami  do  things  from 
which  a  tingle  tmiividual,^  however  disaolute*  wtetld  shrink  with 
dkgiitt." 

The  electors  may  be  said  to  act  under  the  bfluence  of  such  a 
<4ionfidence,  when  they  support  by  ihelr  suffrages  the  authors  of 
Measures,  of  which  they  disapprove  bf  whatever  political  name 
their  representatives  may  be  called. 

Bat,  say  the  supporters  of  the  present  policy,  although  it  ap- 
ipeara  to  us  that  the  present  war,  and  the  measures  whidi  led  to 
it,  are  roinous  to  the  interests  of  the  coumry,  and  might  have 
been  avoided,  yet  Qur  representatives  have  a  better  view  of  the 
whole  ground,  thwj  we  can  be  supposed  to  have,  and  therefore 
we  must  conclude  they  have  done  what  was  best,  although  we 
Jiad  other  views  of  our  political  state;  and  it  is  our  duty  quietly 
to  submit  to  the  will  of  the  majority. 

The  representatives  of  that  majority  may  however  sanction 
m^wres  opposed  to  your  will.  In  that  event  you  have  but  one 
eonstttutional  remedy ;  by  electing  other  men,  who  condemn  such 
measures,  and  will  change  them.  This  you  will  not  do ;  no  matter 
1^  what  motives  you  are  actuated,  as  it  respects  the  evila  which  re- 
sult to  the  minority  and  to  our  country ;  unless  you  will  remove 
them  by  a  wise  use  of  your  right  of  suffrage,  they  must  be  endu> 
Fed.  , 

^  By  the  exercise  of  this  right,  the  minority  cannot  remove  them» 
thhough  the  proportion  of  their  numbers  to  that  of  the  majority 
shall  be  as  nihety-nine  to  an  hundred,  and  although  the  evils  re- 
suiting  irom  s«ch  measures  should  &II  with  tenfold  greater 
.w«%bt  €«  that  minority,  tlim  on  the  saajority. 


1' 


i 


^^^^^^^^■■R 

i 

^HHP' 

'\ 

^^^^^^^^^^^^l&' V 

i 


^ 


93 


tHit  to  oot  1  mere  chiaMrtoU  vieir  of  the  wretehe4 
which  a  freo  Ee^uUic  nuy  be  raduced.  Fot  thcrv  it  m  dugntif 
degradation  «t)d  tBiMrf,  to  which  a  minority  may  not  lie  redoaid 
by  a  dominant  party,  actUig  under  the  dondnioD  of  iaf^teMd  pM« 
sion,  or  inveterate  prejudice.  f^      . 

But  have  you  forgotten  that  there  was  a  time  when  the  leaders 
Qf  a  minority  ancourai^d  an  open  and  riolent  retiataace  to  mm- 
♦urea  of  whicli  they  disapproved.  la  i  793  ander  the  adminiatm. 
tion  of  Preaident  Washington,  th*  execution  o*  the  law*  tmpaikif 
a  duty  on  spirits  disiiiied  within  the  United  States  waa  netia'H  j 
and  that  resistance  was  encouraged  by  the  very  men  who  wen 
theu  the  leaders  of  a  minority,  but  who  now  direct  thedeaiinift  of 
our  country. 

If  resistance  could  be  jusUfied  then  1  30  h  could  at  tfie  present 
lime  with  equal  reason.  Many  of  you  who  support  tlw  men  in 
power  at  thU  time,  did  not  then  think  it  was  the  duty  of  the  p«o* 
pie  quietly  to  submit  to  the  will  of  the  majority;  if  that  will  waa 

as  you  professed  to  believe,  destrucuve  of  th0  great  end  of  flivil 
government.  , 

When  you  were  the  legitimate  subjects  of  Great  Britain  m  17/5, 
you  disclaimed  the  right  of  the  British  i>aiitaMent  to  t&xyou  wilb. 
out  your  being  represented;  you  would  not  submit  to  it,  Ym 
would  no  longer  be  suhjectcd  to  the  evils  of  at>  admioistratioii, 
which  you  cotild  not  change.  You  are  now  represented  in  the 
councils  ofthe  nation,  and  when  your  representatives  tax  yon 
contrary  to  your  wishes,  and  wantonly  s;       '       ^t  i  you  devatta. 

tipn  and  misery,  you  presume  they  hav^d^-",,!^    because  »,.^ 
are  men  of  your  own  choice. 

But  does  the  right  of  suffrage,  give  impunity  to  the  errors  or 
crimes  of  rulers  ? 


m 


9f 


**? 


ic  •rrtH'sor 


l«t  tidbred  the  privation  Hid  luflMmft  If  tt^'l^fe  fCi»^f 

tHH*,  boelniie  you  would  nrt.  iiA«iiAt  to  Hie  litafd  t-    slm,  tijtt 

I  in  King  out  do  no  wrong  :  And  by  a  bliml  cmSdesce,  by  an  «ii« 

[  w^mm  tOmtmas  to  «  ««rtite  ckM  of  citasna,  you  would  a«opt  a 

I  «M»im  e(|ia«%  |]»8urd  and  &tal  to  Ubarty.    The  pfivU«E«»  which 

tJw  el#«»  are  to  derive  frotn  the  right  of  suffrage,  do  not  con- 

slttin  the  power  which  the  freeroea  posaesn  of  exerciaiag  th^ 

r^tfhttt  in  the  actual  cxerciac  of  it  by  a.  majority  of  the  «l«f - 

r  tun,  io  m  rnanner  beat  calculated  to  ipromote  tbeif  ^oi^cal  iaia. 

[neai  ««4tappine8a.  ^ 

Suppoae  abtre  majority  of  the  flectora  hare  estabUiheil  itaa 

I  aninrew>|:»Ue  principle,  that  they  will  never  elect  to  office*  aujr 

[opt  who  shall  be  nominated  by  the  minority;  what  benefits  do 

t%t  nainoeity  deriite  ftom  the  right  of  auffrage  i  Yob  aay  they  en- 

jtgr  the  beivBfit  of  l»w»  ow^  l)y  tb«  men  whp  are  chosen  by  the 

n^jorijy,  wMcb  k  ^  |i>^  cp»  expect  frona  an  elecufc  goYewi- 

[n^^    f  Ut  suppoa^|||ft,i9^)ty  elect  men,  who  pursue  a  poll- 

fcj  mmm  »<»  »»>«<  interest  and  happiness  of  the  people,  and  should 

Brsiat  in  supporting  su^h  men  ;  ought  auch  a  policy  to  de^nand 

f^c^ifidence  and  cordkl  submtsuQni,  b«cau»i  th.e  adthora  of  it 

enjoy  the  right  of  suffrage  ?  If  the  rights  of  tho  people  arc  t« 

l^^tendfd  with  impuoiii ;  '^  our  liberties  arc  to  perish,  is  it  a 

(nyi^egfof  which  fr$«men  should  boast,  and  in  wh|cii  they  ought 

^ofxult,  that  they  have  the  right  of  choosbg  the  men  wjho  are  to 

I  the  bstrumenti  ^  ^cir  ruin  I 

^fi%k  is  »a*d,  the  rtpreaentatives  who  are  chosen  by  a  majority 

lof  »,fireeatHl  enligl)t«ned,p<^ple,  will,it  is  to  be  presumed,  best  uii* 

fdwat;»ndj  and  be  disposed  to  pursue,  the  best  means  to  promote 

tho  pu()lic  good.  ^     ;^    , 

This  iras  not  the  reasoning  of  the  party  in  jiowr  acventsea 


-^r 


<l 

■» 

■'a 
< 

V 

^ 

f 

,         j 

/                       " 

!  . 

f 


24 


^&>  kuMi  koa^u  <,ubjr  aiiai^iicu  At  iiic  UMl'  Ol  UUUIlC  ^^ — 


r 


ion,  atui^  condemned  the  measures  of  the  representatives  of  a  great 
majority  of  the  electors. 

You  who  ndw  advocate  the  present  policy,  had  not  then  adopt- 
ed the  absurd  maxim,  that  the  representatives  of  a  free  people, 
can  do  no  wrong.    You  then  gloried  in  the  privileges  of  an  elec- 
tive government,  because  it  authorized  you  to  change  the  coun- 
cils of  the  nation,  by  removing  those  ivho  had  deceived  your  Con- 
fidence.   You  then  complained  of  the  measures  of  federalists,  bet- 
cause  they  imposed  unnecessaiy  and  oppressive  taxes.    But  our 
republican  rulers  have  imposed  a  tax  on  l&nds,  houses,  carriage^ 
waggons,  harness,  licenses,  auctions,  stills,  leather,  boots,  hats, 
caps,  ladies' hats,  sugar,  tobacco,  snuff,  segars,  bar  iron,  roll'd 
iron,  pig  irtirt,  cut  rails,  brads,  sprigs,  umbrellas,  furniture,  pa- 
per, candles,  playing  cards,  saddles,  bridles,  ale,  porter,  and  a 
stamp  tax,  a  double  pbstage  tax,  and  all  to  support  a  war  which 
the  people  be! ieved  was  unnecessary,  arid  might  with  a  little  prus. 
dence  have  lieeh  avoided :  and  you  have  become  silent  as  the  gt^ve 
upon  the  subject  of  federal  measures:  for  if  they  chastised  ui 
with  whips,  itcan  no  longer  be  concealed,  that  our  republican  ra-' 
lers  are  noW  chastising  us  with  scorpions.     The  people  there, 
frre  have  exhibited  some  symptoms  of  a  disposition  to  exercise 
the  right  of  suff  age,  by  restoring  to  power  those  men  who  have 
invariably  warned  them,  that  the  policy  of  the  last^urteen  years*  - 
would  lead  to  the  present  disastrous  state  of  thingfcv^^  .' 

But  no  sooner  has  the  result  of  an  election  exhibited  to  pabltc 
view,  some  evidence  of  art  inclination  in  the  electors,  to  consult 
their  eyes  rather  than  their  ears,  in  forming  their  opinions  of  po- 
litical characters,  than  the  old  cry  of  British  influence,  monarchist, 
and  tory,  is  raised  with  redoubled  efforts  ;  «"  glaring  JSi  the  di«*. 


^* 


)i  puuiic  ^ui' 

ivesofa  greai 

ot  then  adopt- 
a  free  peopk; 
jca  of  anelee- 
ige  the  coun- 
ted your  con- 
sderalists,  b&- 
:es.    But  our 
eS)  carriages^ 
(  bootS)  hats, 
iriron,  roU'd 
rumiture,  pa- 
jorter,  and  si 
a  war  which 
1  a  little  pru" 
:  as  the  gt^ve 
chastised  ui 
^publican  ra- 
eoplfe  there. 
»  to  Exercise 
en  who  hare 
irteen  years^ 

ed  to  pabfic 

i,  tO'COOSUlt 

itilons  of  po- 
monarchist, 
;  i8(  tiie  di«% 


'  ^.^^jjj^»2o«  between  republican  and  federal  Dtiea^uFesj  In.  favonl'Af 

[the  latter,  that  there  is  danger,  that  even  the  «  moles  will  be  cured 

lof  their  blindness." 

If  the  federalists  committed  errors  in  their  administration  four-^ 

I  teen  years  ago,  they  are  no  longer  considered  as  obstacles  to  their 
restoration  to  power,  since  in  that  respect  the  little  finger  of  Mr, 
Madison,  has  become  thicker  than  the  loins  of  Washington  or 
Adams. 
The  republican  leaders,  twenty-five  years  ago,  were  well  awafe 

[that  the  test  of  experience  might  eventually  expose  the  fallaey 

I (tf their  new  policy;  and  thereby  restore  to  confidence  and  to 
power,  the  proscribed  federalists. 

It  was  not  therefore  against  federal  measures  only,  or  principal- 
ly, but  against  federal  men,  that  the  efforts  of  the  first  opposition 
were  directed.  They  were  denounced  as  daugeroxjs  men, attach- 
ed to  monarchical  principles,  and  inimical  to  republican  liberty. 
These  accusations,  unceasingly  urged,  have  excited  prejudices 
which  have  grown  so  inveterate  as  to  become  a  rule  of  action,  an 
inviolable  law.  And  it  is  n«  longer  a  question  wli^tbcr  they  ougl  t 
not  quietly  to  submit  to  any  evils  which  may  result  from  the  vice* 

'  or  errors  of  their  republican  leaders,  rather  t^an  trust  their  poli- 
tical concerns  to  the  controul  of  federalists.  We  now  see  a  few 
individuals,  who  claim  the  exclusive  title  to  patriotism  and  re- 
publican virtue,  chosen  from  less  than  one  thousandth  part  of  the 

*  freemen,  set  at  the  helm,  exulting  in  the  triumphs  of  delusion  and 

prejudice,  over  reason  and  truth:  Our  territory  iavaded  by  a 

powerful  foe,  and  nearly  one  half  of  our  citizens  disfranchised,  and 

identified  with  the  enemies  of  our  country.  Such  a  state  of  things 

cannot  long  continue.    Our  poUiical  state'  must  be  regenerated. 

A  revolution  in  the  public  opinion  is  indispensable. 

D 


A 


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-i 

.  ,■■- 

,^/" 


\2d" 
Whatever  may  be  the  event  of  the  present  war^  in  the  present 
state  of  the  worid,  we  cannot  expect  any  very  long  and  uVnJ^ 
rupted  state  of  peace.  > 

In  times  of  common  danger  ^i^  ImA  from  recent  expc 
ncnce,  that  union  is  the  great  bulwark  of  our  safety.  In  the  midst 
of  surrounding  commotions  and  ruins,  pause  then,  fellow<liize„„ 
for  .  moment,  and  review  the  motives  of  your  political  conduct, 
and  wuh  th.  negrity  of  virtuous  freemen,  examine  ihe.evidence 
upon  which  you  have  founded  your  political  prejudices; 

In  the  long  conflict  for  power  which  has  engaged  the  txvo  great 
P^Uical  parties  in  this  country,  it  is  evident  the  great  mass  .f  elec 
tors,  who  would  at  this  time  exclude  from  office  fedeml  r^, 
iiave  lost  sight  of  the  origin  of  our  political  dissensions. 

You  now  believe  that  those  of  your  fellow-ciUzens,  ..bo  are 

called  feder^hsts,  are  enemies  to  republican  liberty,  and  friend. 
to  an  hereditary  monarchy. 

Bu.  where  «  ,o„r  evidence  „f  „,e  f«,-  There  are  b„,  „. 
mode,  of  prooA  by„hich  »e  ean  at..,.  ,o  U,e  senUmcn.,  ofo-h- 
«.=  onect  „BUh  ,.  derive  from  .heir  profe,.i„„,,  ^  „e„,her 
fro„  «,me  ove«  „.,  u,e  „a.ore  of  which  clearly  evince,  .„  ,h. 
nund,  .he  principle  which  raus.  have  produced  i.. 

A«d  ha,  a„,  federali.,,  wh,.«  p„,i,ica|  „pi„i„„,  j^„  ^^^ 
tfioogh.  to  ™eri,  public  conrideration,  ever,„„„„„„d  to  hi,  lei- 
lo-^.««»..  i„  a„,  comm„„ica.io„  of  hi,  p„,Me.,  ^,, 
«.h,r  pubhc  or  private,  hi,  predilection  .o  a  „„„a,,i„  „  y^ 
..Uctmen.  .„.he  BriU,b naUon  f   If  ,„,  .,.  „,  ,^„,  ,^^_^^,. 
when  and  on  wha.  occasion,  and  .o  whom  wa,  ,„ch  a  con.h>„„ica' 
^o„n,.de>   If  there  had  been  one  ,tich  instance  of  repoblican' 
deKene^c,  would  no.  U,e  fac.  admit  of  proof,  and  th,  Ldene. 
».».  b,«,  toi»cU,  a«o«„ced,o  the  public  through  the  medium 


.-*".,  "■'*■», 


•  ■  J 


-:^ 


~e 


!S& 


27 
7  ^ji  no  such  evidence  hs^  ever  been  exhibited,  for 


this  plain  reason,  that  it  never  did  exist.  But  an  tjie  oontrarf , 
whenever  the  sentiments  of  federalists  on  this  subject  liave  been 
disclosed,  they  have  invariably  evinced  a  strong  predilection  to 
our  republican  constitution  as  the  only  foria  of  governiBent  wtach 
could  best  promote  th<?  happiness  of  the  people.        ,?  *  ..^  -- 

Fisher  Ames,  whose  character  for  political  science,  and  pure 
morality,  stands  unrivalleiiin  our  bistpry,  about  ten  years  ago 
wrote  a  dissertation  on  the  "  Dangers  of  American  Liberty,"  and 
sent  it  to  a  friend  for  his  perusal,  who  retupaed  it  witlj  an  expec- 
tation that  it  would  liave  been  published  at  tliat  time,.  In  that  in- 
lerestwg  work  we  find  the  following  x'emarks  which  cannot  be 
thought  impertinent  to  pur  present  object, 

"  This  is  certain,  the  body  of  the  federalists  were  always  and 
yet  are  essentially  democratic  in  their  political  notions.  The  triith 
is,  the  American  nation,  with  ideas  and  prejudices  wholly  demo- 
cratic, undertook  to  frame,  and  expected  tranquilly  and  with' en- 
ergy and  success,  to  administer  a  republican  government.  It  is, 
and  ever  has  been  my  belief,  that  the  federal  constitution  was  an 
good  or  very  nearly  as  good  ai^  our  country  could  bear ;  that  the 
attempt  to  introduce  a  misted  monarchy  %va8  nev^fer  thought  <oi, 
^d  would  have  failed  if  it  had  been  made ;  apd  could  Ijavc  pro- 
ved only  an  inveterate  curse  to  tlie  nation  if  it  had  been  adopted 
cheertuUy,  and  even  unanimously  by  the  people."  The  manu- 
script which  contained  these  remarks,  remained  in  the  possession 
of  Mr.  Ames  about  three  years,  and  until  his  death  -,  which,  dear- 
ly sbQWs  that  he  i»ad  no  anxiety  that  it  shwild  have  been  publish- 
ed. That  great  an^  good  m«a  wh<>  ^^  QO  enemieg  but  what  weiv 
creiited  by  party  inSuence,  nevw  indeet  believed  it  was  necessa- 
ry, op  the  duty  of  patriotism,  to  use  a  single  argument  through 


2i 


r%' 


the  whole  of  hb  #ritinefi,1o  convince  the  people  that  the  federal- 
ists were  friends  to  republican  liberty:  and  thought  as  he  expres. 
$ed  himself,  that  the  assertions  to  the  contrary  were  «  impudent 
falsehoods,"  made  only  to  gull  the  unsuspecting  freemen  out  of 
their  cohfidence  in  federal  men. 

It  is  a  feet,  that  since  the  commencement  of  ouf  political  dis- 
aensions,  only  two  men  Iwve  been  designated  among  the  whole 
^  body  of  federalists,  as  having  publicly  announced  sentiments  fk- 
vorable  to  a  monarcliical  government. 

One  of  these,  and  the  first,  who  was  denounced  as  one,  whose 
sentiments  had  a  dangerous  influence  was  John  Adams,  late  Pre- 
sident  of  the  United  States.~When  I  say  he  was  the  first,  I  speak 
in  the  language  of  those  citizens  who  have  been  deceived  with  re- 
spect to  the  origin  of  our  politic^  dissensions.    If  truth  can  pre 
T«il  over  falsehood  and  prejudice,  and  they  will  hear  it--it  will 
Convince  them  that  the  opposers  of  federalism,  directed  their  first 
efforts  against  Washington  and  his-  policy.    But  so  unchangeable 
^as  the  conAdence,  of  the  great  body  of  the  people  in  his  talents 
and  his  character,  both  a,  a  hero  and  statesman,  such  their  un- 
bounded  admiration  of  his  wisdom,  his  virtue  a.d  disinterested 
patriotism,  that  the  torrent  of  calumny  and  abuse,  which  issued 
from  the  democratic  presses  at  that  time,  against  him  and  his  po. 
hey,  had  no  effect,  in  withdrawing  the  confidence  of  the.people 
from  the  man  on  whom  they  had  rested  their  hopes  through  the 
tiying  scenes  of  the  revolution. 

It  would  have  been  indeed  an  Herculean  task,  to  have  destroy, 
cd  the  credit  o^an  administration  over  which  Washington  presid- 
ed. It  must  tndeed  have  been  a  work  of  much  time,  ^d  have 
required  ^-rangements,  difficult  in  their  execution,  to  opetate 


JK: 


£9 

y^hh  success  agaifist  an  admini»tration,  which  commcnecd  undBr 
the  most  flattering  ausjpiccs,  and  which  had  inspired  *^ur  citarens 
■with^  the  most  flattering  hopes. 

A  considerable  time  had  elapsed,  before  those  papers,  which 
<were  the  vehicles  of  slander  against  federal  men  and  measti^s, 
were  extensively  circulated.  And  those  who  might  have  early 
discovered  the  calumnies  agains':  Washington,  must  have  conclu- 
ded they  were  the  effect  of  some  invisible  and  myst^ious  policyi 
not  founded  in  a  disposition  hostile  to  his  character  or  conduct. 

Although  that  opposition  to  federalists,  which  has  ended  in  fix- 
ing the  present  inveterate  prejudices  of  our  cidzens,  began  with 
*^  fiinit'operBtions  of  the  government,  certain  it  is,  that  the  gnat 
ttiass  of  electors,  who  by  their  suflhiges  support  the  men  now  in 
power,  trace  the  origin  of  their  party  prejudices,  no  &rther  back 
than  to  the  administration  of  Mr.  Adams,  who  it  was  said,  was 
disposed  to  extend  the  influence  of  his  principles  both  by  his 
precepts  and  example  j  that  he  was  a  dangerous  man,  because  he 
thought  the  British  constitution  better  than  our  own. 
'    Where  is  the  evidence  of  this  fact  to  be  found  ?  0id  he  ever 
»«nake  any  declaration,  either  directly  or  indirectly,  that  such  were 
his  sentiments  ?  You  liave  said  they  were  to  be  found  in  his  wri- 
tings. 

It  will  be  recollected  that  after  the  establishment  of  our  inde- 
pendence, the  people  were  free  to  form  for  themselves,  civil  con- 
stitutions, according  to  their  own  ideas  of  liberty,  iitdependent  of 
any  foreign  power.  The  then  thirteen  states,  therefore  chose 
and  established  for  then^selves,  constitutions  of  government,  foun- 
ded on  principles  similar  to  that  which  the  United  States  |iav& 
since  adopted'. 


;,    I 


fa 


i 


w\ 


X^.  ;■ 


fr 


\ 


so 

Mr.  Tui-got.  a  Frencliman,  in  .  !«,„.  to  Dr.  Pri..  „■-«.■■ 

*'7"'  '"^"-^""''"f  «P'e.™„U„.,  .councii  and  ag„,„. 
"or.  bec.»«  in  t^^^  .,„.  j,  .  ,^^^  ^^  ^  ^^ 

121   '  ""^ '"  ^'^"  ""'  "-"^  "»''•  ^-^o.  on  U.. 

Amencan  con,u,„,.o„„  Mr.  Ad,„s  ,„.ea»<l  pabli.hed  .  d^ 

fence ,  .  defence  of  ,h„,e  ,er,  p,i„cip)„„f  a  r,p„Hican  form  of 
gover™™.    „Meh  „.  recognUed  i„  o„r  pre„„.  „„am„.ion,. 
has  b.«„u.e  peculiar  province  of  a  few.eader,  of  d«noc«c,i„ 

he  U„,.ed  S«e.,  .o  di,ce™  i.  .,;»  „leb,a,.d  defence  of  rep'b. 
Lean  pr„aple., .  predUeoion  in  .U.  ..,hor  «,  an  heredi-arv  n,o 
mrc,,,.    Thi.  »„rKof  Mr.  Adam,,  ia  no.before  me,  fron,  „,^, 
..appear, .h« ^„  „,„ fc.,.  ,„^^,^^^^^ 

Pf  .U  prediUC™.  ii.  a  ,^,„  ,,.  ,^^  ^i^^^^^' 
*...repre,.n.ed  .hen,.    The  ,.e«io„  be.ween  Mr.  Ad™,  L. 

^,  prefe^^e  ..a  .^.narch,,  l,«  ^i,.  ,„,„  of  go^m^,  _ 

beat  aac„.a«d,«.,e^re..u,,  duration  of  r.p„Ufca,,Uber,y.    BotT    ' 
*^ This  letter  of' if  r  Turirot  ana  thA  r.n;„„  VI 

*ngr  the  constitution  m  xts  present  form.    The  rd!^       "  ^'''  ^  °PP°- 

constitutions  provided,  that  tl»ere  shouW  .    ',,  ■^-'*'_f*^'^''^*^**»ba4  ia  .Uiejr 

^cfthoieg,^e,.^e.or,^:ri^t^^V;^^^^^^^ 

cUy  auch  constitution.,  had  formed  t^eTn^r  i     ^       '''^*"*^'  -'"^  ""• 

inustbeaacribedtor;nch  In^Zt^"^"'''''^^  ^^^<''^. 

tbn.  tho«e  W1.S  professed  m  ej^^^  ^^1,1^^  '"'  P'^"*^^'  '°^^ 

Tur^..  letter  was  evdent^to  M^^^^i^  ^  ^-*  *^ 
fortnuig  their  present  constitution  Pr^.h  "«  '^^'^duct  of  the  Amcricar.s  in 
the  councils  of  the  nation.         "'  "^  "^"^"^^  "  ^'^^  «^^  ^^^  « 


•,?«/;.■ 


'•:^-.?: 


:^'^:.d: 


'i-T 


■  ,.  y 


^r^ 


^».',.*'i» 


31 


agreed  that  the  people  were  the  source  of  aU  legitimate  po-vw^, 
and  had  a  right  to  choose  for  themselves,  aach  a  form  of  govern- 
ment as  they  believed  would  be»t  comport  with  the  great  ends  of 
ita  institution. 

Mt-.  Adams  contended  in  bis  book  against  Mr.  TtTrgot's  o^)^^ 
ion,  that  a  chief  magistrate,  and  senate  or  council,  as  provided  in 
the  American  constitutions  are  indispensable  to  constitute  that 
equilibrium  of  power,  neces«iry  to  secure  the  ilghtv  of  the  pep* 
pSe  in  every  free  state.  He  believed  that  the  British  nation  had 
improved  on  the  science  of  government,  by  introducing  three  se- 
parate and  independent  branches  into  her  constitution  to  support 
that  equilibrium. 

But  to  prove  him  a  monarchist  hi«  writings  have  been  misquo- 
ted, garbled  and  miscohstrued. 

As  evidence  of  his  predilection  for  a  monarchy,  the  foltewing 
part  of  a  sentence  '  xs  been  often  quotei  as  his  sentiment,  from 


'%. 


the  70th  page  of  the  first  volume  of  his  JD^efience  :  "  The  Eng* 
lisb  constitution  is  the  most  stupendous  fabric  of  human  in- 
ventioiil**  But  does  this  prove  that  he  prefered  this  stupen^ 
dous  fabric  to  that  which  the  American  Convention  cfectcdin 
forming  our  own  constitution  ?  On  the  bticceeding  page  of  the 
same  volume,  Mr.  Adams  has  disclosed  his  sentiments  relative 
trfour  repifblican  institutions,  in  expressions  which  cannot  b* 
mistaken.  «  They,  meaning  the  Americans,  says  he,  have  not 
made  their  first  magistrates  hereditary,  nor  their  senators :  here 
they  differ  from  the  English  constitution  and  With  great  propri- 
ety. The  agrarian  in  America  is  divided  into  the  hands  of  the 
common  people  in  every  state,  in  such  a  manner  that  nineteen- 

•  The  whole  sentence  reads  as  follows,  « I  only  contend  that  the  Englist 
cgnstitution  is  in  theory,  the  most  stupendous  fabric  of  hiiman  invention, 
b«(Jh  for  the  adjustment  of  the  balance,  and  the  prcventioa  of  its  vibr.itioni.'" 


m 


'Ui 


V      ■> 


f  't' 


l  '•' 


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I 


I 


J 


^^., 


■'*i'^ 


:r^"" 


t^ 


w: 


■/i. 


■'   » 


, 'i3, 


•..^',£^ 


38 
fwenUeths  of  tiie  property  would  be  in  tbe  hands  of  the  coiB- 
moM,  let  them  appoint  wnom  they  could  for  chief  magistrav* 
and  senators :  the  8o^'ereignty  then  in  fact,  as  well  a»  morality, 
must  reside  in  the  whole  body  of  the  people  ;  and  an  hereditary 
fongand  nobility,  who  should  not  govern  according  to  the  pub. 
,/,  He  opinion,  would  InfalUbly  be  tumbled  instantly  from  their  pi.. 
,  ccs;  it  is  not  only  most  prudent  then,  but  absolutely  necessary, 
;  to  avoid  continual  violence,  lo  give  the  people  a  legal,  constitu- 
tional,  and  peaceable  mode  of  changing  their  ruler,  whencvc* 
they  discover  improper  principle,  or  dispositions  in  them."    I« 
^ther  part  of  his  writings*  on  this  subject,  he  makes  the  foi- 
bwing  remarks ;-,«  It  i,  become  a  kind  of  fashion  among  wri- 
'.  ters  to  admit.as  a  maxim,  that  if  you  could  be  always  sure  of  a 
wise,  active  and  virtuous  prince,  monarchy  would  be  the  best 
of  governments.    But  this  is  so  far  from  being  admissible,  that 
^U  Will  forever  remain  true,  that  a  free  government  has  a  great 
j:.dvantage  over  a  simple  monarchy.     The  bestand  wisest  prince*^ 
-^if  means  of  a  freer  communication  with  his  people,  and  the 
.greater  opportunities,  to  collect  the  best  advice  from  th^WStaf 
^  ""bjects.  would  have  an  eminent  advantage  in  a  free  state, 
more  than  in  a  monarchy." 

But  it  i.  unnecessary  to  quote  farther  from  his  writings,  to 

'convince  my  fellow-citizens,  that  many  of  them  have  been  df!- 

«eived  with  respect  to  their  import.    It  is  true  that  Mr.  Adams 

like  every  other  man  who  has  any  knowledge  of  the  history  of 

I  t'Publics,  weU  knew  that  the  election  of  chief  magistrate,  ami 

|^«her  great  officers  of  state,  had  in  every  great  nation,  been  at- 

irodcd  sooner  or  later,  with  yioteow,  anarchy  nnd  every  spc. 

•  Vol  L  p.  8^ 


•■-(  -O'   -  '* 


v,*. 


,'      .      -jf  '..'^   .x  .V 


y^- 


ss 


«!!>'  tt*lfortttne,  when  It  might  t»  necc8«arf  u»  resort  t<i  tht| 
rfimtdf  [irovtded  in  the  coniritution,  by  caiiing  a  cohrentiolK 
Btlt  even  in  such  an  event  he  exults  in  the  reBection  that  •*  iucfc 
a  convcntioti  may  atill  prevent  the  ftr«t  magistrate  from  b*«ort(*' 
hig  abBolute  as  well  as  hereditaiy.***  I  have  qtidted  sotne  ff«li- 
timents  of  his  ttom  his  writings,  to  present  to  the  pubfie  vi^ 
one  of  those  absurd  falsehoods,  oh  which  that  ttfljlendoas  tf** 
ttfli  of  delusion  and  prejudice  has  been  erected,  by  i*htch  |Wd* 
eftfli  then  have  been  driven  from  the  cbuncils  of  the  natfon. 

f  he  troth  is,  the  writings  of  Mr  Adaiha  have  been  rei»i»*# 
stfnted  ad  evidence  of  his  menarchical  principles,  »y  those  wl^ 
never  read  them,  and  wiio  knew  nothing  of  th^ir  ddntents  $  trttd 
thousands  have  received  such  represerttatiOnii  ai  truth:  &%a 
have  therefore  infered  that  those  who  would  confide  in  Wni  t* 
*Ke«:ute  tlie  iinpbrtant  trust  of  chief  magistrate,  must  h4ve  beeiJi 
attached  to  the  sanie  principles  by  whkh  he  waa  iiifiuenced. 

While  he  was  writing  his  celebrated  Defence  of  our  repuD< 
lican  institutions  in  England,  the  Convention  framed  our  pre- 
sent Constitution,  which  came  to  Ms  knowledge,  when  he  vrai 
about  drawing  his  work  to  a  conclusion :  upon  which  he  'wia^i 
the  following  remarks  :  «  It  is  now  iq  our  power  to  bring  tbiai 
work  to  a  conclusion  with  unexpected  dignity.  In  the  courso 
of  the  last  summer,  two  authorities  have  appeared,  greater  than 
any  that  have  been  quoted,  in  which  the  principLs  we  h«ve  at* 
tempted  to  defend,  have  been  acknowledged.  The  first  i»  an 
b«linance  of  Congress  of  the  13ihof  July,  Ifsr,  for  the  gov* 
erament  of  the  Territory  of  the  United  States  Northwest  of 

*  Sec  AdjB»8'  Defence,  Vol,  ID.  p,  383. 


'.<>. 


4  .'¥ 


34 

*^  Okioi  the  ««^ci  i,,  tha  rennn  «P  »••-  ^- 

Melphia,  of  the  iTth  of  September,  irgr     tk    / 

»h!.K         .  ^"'^'''•^P'°««ti«^  body  :eren  the  Lycian 

nwHJation  cannot  be  auppoaed  to  reach  .h    :  ^' 

«f  -r on. ,  but  the  colptio  J^^^^^^^^  r-:       °'  '^^^'"'°^ 

««t,  umoD  of  so  great  and  **  ""^  ^^ '^^"b. 

""  "«  adopt  i,,  m         ,   ''"^'°  ""  =°""  "»«'«, 
pi  u,  we   need  not  fear  will  k«  om 

-henSSrexppne^e,  its  incoavenielrl        ? '""'^  ^*" 
be  «.en  and  felt  -  ""*  ^^Perfections  «haJI 

Tiiw  end   the   lutings,  of  Mr   A.i«. 

>"  ""•  iccuKd  of  wi.(,i„„  ,       ,  "  """'""wn  which 

.  f  -.1.%  .0  .ul„.„,.    Because  he  ka,^; 

.   «  »  a  weU  luwxrn  fact  tK,f    • 

«-»cter  in  tb«  strpngeat  t«n»  of 


■■  '^**^'iirii[i>^  I ' 


.35 


Dtioti  «t  Pbi. 

former  con- 
»e  niodeIjui4 
'«'n,  in  whielx. 
» the  Lycian,, 
more.    Tha. 
h.  and  com- 
»ted  States 
h«ir  wanto ; 
ted  to  unite 

«nifqrmity 
ted  to  unite 

of  accom- 

perfectiou 
I  tlMsdelib- 

»t  exertion 
*f  natJoDal 
»ay  be  im^ 
*e  for  that 
conceive, 
"nend  it, 
ions  jjJiaJI 

►trongcsj' 
>n  which 
had  diai 

sed  soiD* 

»tion,  the 

ttSHQSof 


csmafunt  to  di»cov«r  the  dangcrt  to  which  republican  Ub«rt^ 
«as  exposed,  and  had  wi«dom  to  Ipoinnas  t»  a  remedy,  he  has 
Been  ijenounced  at  an  enemy  to  republics. 

The  delusion  which  has  been  practised  updn  t&c  honest  free- . 
men  of  this  country  respecting  the  political  principles  of  Mr. 
Adams,  may  yet  convince  them  that  if  they  would  {ireserv* 
their  rights,  they  n^ust  become  their  own  guardians,  and  not 
trust  to  a  constitution  written  on  ^apcr :  nor  to  a  blind  confidence 
ih  men  whose  title 'tD  '  patriotism  is  evidenced  .only  by  their 
professions. 

Perhaps  no  one  thing  has  had  moVe  agertey'  in  effecting  that 
lihange  of  men  and  meaiures  in  this  ceuhtry,  by  vi^bich  the 
present  policy  was  introduced,  than  the  prevalency  of  an  opi^ 
inn  among  the  people,  that  Mr.  Adams  was  hostile  in  his  prin- 
dpies  to  republican  fibetty,  dnd  that  be  hoped  by  the  influeifce 
of  his  meaiiures,  gradually  to  undermine  our  republican  insU> 
tfltions,  and  erect  on  their  ruins,  a  monarchy. 

What  man  is  there  thttn,  among  us,  who  believes  that  wit- 
dbm  and  virtue  are  essential  r*<jtii&  «s,  to  support  and  p«rp<t< 
uatc  the  privileges  of  a  free  ctmstitution,  who  has  ndt  reasori  to 
be  alarmed  for  the  existence  <rf"'our  own  ? 

When  it  is  considered  that  in  this'e^lightened  age,  and  in 
this  free  repilbBc,  *here  the  means  of  correct  information  are  ' 
a's-^eil  provid«d,'as  the  condition  of  man,  and  the  course  of  bil- 
man  affairs  will  admit ;  even  here  it  is  found  on  a  review  of  our 
-pbUtical  8t«e,  £hat  a  large  portion  of  the  honest  freemen,  have- 
approbation  !  which  proves  that  U»ey  never  had  any  st^fchension  as  they 
pretended,  from  the  dangerous  influence  of  his  monarchical  principles,  for 
they  make  no  pretension  that  these  have  in  any  d^^ree  changed.  Let  a  miui 
approve  of  the  conduct  of  the  men  in  power^  and  there  is  no  danger  of  bis 
>Ildtlecti»n  for  a  monarcby ;  he  is  artliod(». 


f 


"«.»«  of  ...»  U»^,,„,  ,,„fc     °    ,''    '"'^  «" 
,        Irfou,  hUouI  „.1U.,  „..  fo„„„.  ■ , ,  "  "  "•>"'"• 

Mr.  Adamt  Jim  remwkcd  in  his  book  ««  ♦!.       .. 
^fevwJence  «thcr  than  Atro.elve.."  And  tl.is.^«...  ! 

*■*■  ***?   TOTiouB   reasOBv  that  ^h- 

iwmeihnes  do  that  for«,  which  i.  be,.  * «.  '  *^ 

tnHa.  in^vitablHo  t.at  fa.  „.  which  1.27  *'""'^^^«* 
But  Fo  kope  wil  Wiewtk,, «,,,„.,. 

l>«.|..r,  ..,<!  o,r  rigb,^  *■  "  •  •"""'^  f  our      ' 


If 


mmiatm  pf^mi^i  um  uvm  r«nuirks  hp  VMule  triiU«  A  iMtiMwr 
«f  ehe  conveniioti  which  frtined  our  protent  coDMituttei).  Dwt" 
ing  the  debates  on  that  ofxauon  he  eKfM-eskrd  opiniona  kt  Tarour 
t)f  »  «r»teTO  pf  government  which  thowld  rmtder  the  executive 
at4,»ei>ate,  thtnigh  eteciive,  in<M«  permanent  than  thejr  arc  by 
the  cMttituikn  which  was  finally  adopted  by  the  people.  But  It 
knot  known  that  he  ever  explained  the  extent  of  tlie  dumtion 
wUch  he  wonld  have  <ixcd  upon  for  those  departinentt.  Hla  tnc- 
mtes  have  said  that  he  would  have  had  the  president  and  senate 
^d  their  ofiices  during  ^oud  feehfviour*  And  this  is  tJie  high- 
est accutatidQ  that  even  hla  enemies  have  raised  against  hi«n. 
9^t  eiyea  Uds  is  not  true>  and  if  it  had  been,  it  would  prove  qo^ 
thing  of  hi*  predilection  for  a  monarchy.    It  is  well  known  that 

kc  aftcvwardt  sppported  the  tjonsiitwion,  as  fmmcd,  with  great 

^ility>  and  contributed  essentially  to  its  adoption. 
Ue  might  Without  the  spirit  of  prophecy,  have  looked  fbnranl 

to  such  a  ame  nf  thli^  as  now  exists :  when  it  raigbt  become 

ttecessary  tiwt  Congress  sliouid  possess  the  power  more  effeetQ. 

ally  of  contmuling  the  sovereigsrties  and  commanding  the  resoiiv^ 

Hces  (^the  respect^e  atatcs^ 

Thero  was  a  great  diversity  <rf  opini^i  «m»Bg  the  members  of 

the  Convention  respecting  itw  extent  and  duration  of  the  powW 

whicli  sliouW  be  vested  in  the  chief  magistrate  and  the  senate. 

The  leaders  d"  those  who  advocated  these  -opinrons  were  Mr. 

Hamilton  and  Mr.  Jefferson. 
JCT"  I'o  the  differcmie  of  opinion,*  wliloh  wove  on  this  «ub» 

*  It  is  Qct  fieeesssiry  to  tpsoe  the  causes  of  our  political  dissensions  Or- 
lh©r  ttian  to  that  difference  of  opinion  between  Mr.  Hamilton  and  Mr.  Jtf. 
¥enion>  on  the  aubjcct  of  the  cpnatitation :  to  stow  the  origin  of  the  two 
parties  which  ^  distinguisli^  hy  ^  names  ofi^leral  and  republic«i>» 


h  ''f , 


i 


li 


t!.^s  called  federal  and  republican,  which  have  since  agitated  ai 
shaken  the  fotodaltons  oT  our  republic  to  ita  centre. 

The  animosuy,  whTch  mighthave  been  created  on  that occariou, 
ought  not  to  have  survived  the  a'dr  .tion  of  the  constitution,    fbr 
it  was  finally  unanimously  adopted  by  the  convenUon,  and  the  in- 
**™^^^^*"'^^"^'^'«^»"  a  '*"er  argne^  %  the j)resideot:  ii, 
■wl'ch,  be  remarked  that  the  "constitution  was  th6  >c»ult  of  « 
'spirit  of  amity  and  of  that  mutual  deference  and  c&ncession,  which 
the  peculiarity  of  their  political  situation  rendered  indispenskbr*:' 
that  it  will  meet  the  full  arideh-iire  approbafion  of  *>ery  Steels 
not  to  be  expected ;  but  each  will  doubUess  consider,  that  had 
her  interest  been  done  consulted  the  consequences  might  have 
feeih  parUcularly  disagreeable  or  injurious  to  others :  that  it  is  as 
liable  to  as  few  exceptioris  as  could  have  been  reasonably  expect- 
ed, we  hope  and  believe ;  that  it  may  promote  the  lasting  welfare 
of  that  country  so  dear  to  us  all,  and  secure  her  freedom  arid  b6p. 
piness,  is  our  most  ardent  wi»h." 

I  have  me>.tioned  this  happy  result  of  the  convention  to  show 
tliat  the  conciliatory  motives  by  which  the  members  of  that  body,  \ 
'appear  to  have  been  actuated,  were  such,  that  they  ought  not, 
neither  could  sound  policy,  or  any  prihciple  of  real  palribtislfa 
/or  a  moment  admit,  thkt  they  should  ever  kfter,  have  been  ar- 
raigned  at  the  bar  of  public  opinion.  Yet  notwithstanding  the 
and  to  show  that  tl»e  pn^udicea  which  were  won  after  excited  a-ainst  the 

our  cUssens^on,  may  be  traced  to  a  dlspo..tion  which  was  apparent  lonr 
the  peop  e  soon  after  the  termination,  of  the  «m.lutionar,*.7   It  ,sT2 

T  f  ti;  ;r  f  ''"  '''^'^'  "^''J^*  "^^y  y«*  ^  P-^^nted  to  ^e  t^ 
pl«  of  the  4.r.utcd  States.  befo«  the  en.„  which  «„lt  f^m  mistafen  Z 


^ 


bjkj^y  re&^t  oi  iko  convention,  a^d  the  3ttbse<iueQt&d«i>tl«ti,of 
the  constitution :  immediately  after  the  organization  oi'  our  go^. 
vemment  under  President  Washington~>a  party  m^de  its  appear* 
ance  in  Congress^  and  uniformly  opposed  almost  every  rneasurs 
of  great  j^ational  concern ;  and  from  the  opinions  of  Mr.  Hamil- 
ton on  the  subject  of  the  constitution,  attempted  to  adduce  argu^ 
ments,  to  prove  that  both  Hamilton  himself,  and  the.^wlvocates 
:or  his.  policy,  were  iniluenced  by  tjaonarcliicba}  principles. 

Mr.  Hamilton,  it  is  true,  openly  avowed  the  opinion,  that  tlie 
^eatest  danger,  to  which  the  c<>n:itltutiQn  was  exptaed,  arofin 
from  its  imbecility  ,  and,  th*t  our  liberty  had  m^re  t9  fgfU'  from 
th£  «aci;oachments  of  the  great  ^tes,  than  from  thusi^  of  the 
general  government.  In,  the  event  of  a  foreign  vnr  which  we 
now  experience,  he  doubtless  believed,  tiiat  those  states  whicli 
might  not  approve  of  the  policy  which  produced  it,  would  not 
render  those  essential  aids,  which  might  be  necessary  to  insure 
its  success :.  aad  it  iM  not  iropossibjc  but  thjit  he  m%hthav9  pre- 
ferred a  constitution  which  would  vest  in  Congress  that  power  to 
command  tlie  militate  forces  of  the  respective  states,  which  they 
have  attempted  to  exercise  in  thp  present  ^vv>  without  Jj|iy  au- 
thority  derived  from  the  constitudon.  But  while  a  member  of 
the  convention,  or  on  any  otlier  occasion,  it  is  not  known,  that  he 
ever  expressed  a  sentiment  which  evinced  his  predilection  for  ar, 
hereditary  government,  or  attachment  to  the  British  nation- 
Those  thousands  of  republicans  who- knew  hiftranscendant  wor^h, 
and  had  seen  and  felt  the  influence  of  his  wisdom  and  benevolence. 
witnessed  their  love  and  admiration,  of  his  persotial  virtue,  and 
excellence,  in  the  effusions  of  their  indignatkm  against  the  base 
author  of  his  final  catastrophe,  and  the  profound  respect,  wit^ 
which  tMy  paid  their  last  sfid  hofjors  to  his  reniihia- 


I  J 


I    1 


frk 


I 


4« 

UH  me  tmt  Amtig^l^td  mtn  of  b6th  p^Hticat  pirtift*,  hatfr, 
in  priVWe  coivvemtiott,  exprei*ed  their  apprehehsiefts  that  oilr 
republitaft  tonatituiten  would  not  long  endyw  the  »ttnck»of  liw, 
tion,  of  passion,  of  vice,  ancl  error.  And  woh  ex*pres8i«ins  when 
Mtterted  by  federalists,  have  been  construed  into  principlet,  vpA 
reprcwiotcd  as  proofs,  of  a  dwpoaitiOa  to  ohange  our  government 
for  a  ftonarchy. 

Buring  thet>re3idcncr  of  Mr.  Jeflfc„on,  the  writer  of  this  ati- 
dfeas  well  recollects,  tfikMtfr,  Granger,  late  poat-master  gen- 
ral,  in  a  cotvversattop  relating  to  the  dangers  of  republican  liber, 
tf,  remarked,  that  he  did  not  think  the  period  very  remote,  wh,Sn 
a  despotic  tovemmerit^ouldte  established  oh  the  ruina  of  our 
repuhiic;   But  that  gentleman  like  aH  others,  who  have  mad« 
similar  remarks,  dottBUess  founded  hisopim.n  on  his  knowledge 
of  political  events,  th«  nature  of  man,  and  the  usud  cour.se,  mi 
-    fate  of  republics.    But  the  man  who  would  receive  such  opiniofiS 
as  proofs  of  i  predaectiott  for  a  monarchy,  cannot  be  competent 
fe  exeTcke  the  rtjjBi  of  sofTnsge.  *   ,  - 

Attetnpts  are  not  made  to  practise  imposition,  relative  to  thi, 
.abject,  on  those  who  knoiv  the  history  of  oj,r  political  concerns 
Mr.  Jefferson  at  the  time  of  hil  iMugu  aion,  must  have  known, 
that  many  of  the  freemen  throughout  the  iTnion,  had  received 
iatse  impressions,  respecting  the  motives  and  principles  of  fede- 
vai  men.    But  surrounded  ^3  he  was,  at  that  time,  by  the  officers 
of  government,  and  others  distinguished  W  political  science,  he 
would  not  mque  his  reputation,  by  making  a  false  discrimination 
b?||pefipt^|p^^jcal  principles  of  those  who  were  his  advocatea 
indopposers.    A  sense  of  the  dignity  and  high  responsibility  at^ 
tached  to  the  characters  of  those  who  are  placed  at  th?  Imi  ©i 


i#::JLiHi& 


\ 


41  . 

the  respective  departm^ts,  and  who  in  reality  dii'cct  the  deld* 
nie«  of  our  country,  presents  a  motive  too  vast,  too  irreisistible,  tc* 
admit  the  soppositton  that  they  coutd  prevaricate  in  announcing; 
foots,  which  are  to  constitute  a  public  and  official  document.  On 
that  occasion  he  announcfcd  to  the  public  and  tofthe  world  th# 
truth,  when  he  said  we  have  called  by  different  Qame^,  brethren  jl^ 
the  same  principle.  «  We  are  all  republicans,  we  are  all  »d«"* 
raliats."  And  again,  recall  to  your  recollection  £cll<jw<iti^en«« 
his  farther  reniarks  on  thskt  occasion.  "Let  us  then**  sdd  he) 
"  with  courage  and  Qonftdei^e  pursue  our  own  federal  and  repuli* 
licaii  principles."         *'  ^  7' 

Had  a  suggMtiW^sctpett  him  that  his  political  oppbncnts  had 
a  predilection  for  the  British  government,  he  knew  too  well,  the 
ridicule  and  contempt  to  which  it  would  have  exposed  him.  No* 
fellow-citizens,  it  is  not  knoWn  that  Mr.  JeffersOn  himself  evei- 
pretended  to  any  one,  that  a  difference  of  opinion  with  reapect  to 
thecholceof  a  government,  was  the  origin  of  our  political  dissen* 
sions.  But  he  well  knew  that  great  numbers  of  the  freemen  had 
been  duped  by  political  qUackS  and  impostors,  into  a  belief,  that 
federalists  %Vere  attached  to  mbnarchical  principle* ;  and  that  to 
those  felse  prejudices  he  owed  his  elevatioiu     '\ 

Had  he  believed  that  certain  influential  leaders  of  the  federal- 
ists, entertained  principles  opposed  to  our  republican  form  of  go^ 
vemment,  and  to  the  union  of  the  States,  it  would  have  been  his  du- 
ty to  have  publicly  announced  this  information  to  Congressi  and 
to  '  ave  warned  the  people  to  av^id  the  influence  of  sudh  men,  and 
denounced  them  as  dangerous  citiiens.  But  ttlth  gh  sucb  « 
measure  might  have  been  highly  gratifying  to  the  deluded  voy 
ties  of  his  power,  it  would  have  excited  among  the  people  %^l 


<S-'' 


\   I 


/.. 


ifi" 


Li. 


»  *V: 


^% 


on  him  for  his  proofs  of  the 


-istcnce  of  buch  priiiciplcs.  The 
J^publican  chief  was  not  to  be  caught  in  sucl,  a  dUemnia.  The 
trmmpl.  of  delusion,  o.cr  truth  and  re^spn,  we«  not  thus  to  be 
defeated. 

Let  it  not  be  forgotten,  that  after  every  effort  had  been  wadp 
\Y  the  friends  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  which  cunning  orhypocrw  couU 
*vase,  to  establish  in  the  public  mJnd  ,  difference  between  thf 
Pri^^cs  of  those  who  were  called  fede^ists  and  republicans,  in 
favour  of  tUe  latter,  the  first  act  of  bis  administraUon  was  to  d.. 
Clare,  th$re  was  no  difference.  ,; 

For  this  act  of  treachery  towards  his  copatriots,  it  was  thought 
»t  that  Ume  he  „,ight  be  justified,  evcnin  dispensing  with  the  old 
«l»Kin,,«honoi- among  thieves,"  when  he  thereby  excited  such 
,. Ottering  hopes  of  his  intention  to  break  down  that  spirit  of  party 
^chhaddisg^pedlhe  country,  and  threatened  the  .n.in  of  h^ 
^er^ts  and  happiness.    But  subsequent  .vents  soon  taught  u^ 
tj.at  the  man  who  owed  hi.  elevadon  to  dissensions  atnong  th« 
people,  was  not  desUned  to  unite  them. 

I  have  presented  to  your  view,  the  evidence  that  ha,  been  ex 
l^ited  to  t|,e  public,  to  prove  frpm  the  writing,  or  decla^Uon: 
of  John  Adams  and  Alexander  Hamilton,  that  ^^.,y  ^ere  n^o^r- 

*A°^<lojou,a.youpretehd,  believe  i„, he  poliOcal  cto„ct« 
«ri  policy  of  W»»H„gu„, .'  XKen  k,  „e  ,e„  ,„„  «,.,  „,  «„, 
«.a»y  occasion,  o„  'vWch  i,„,  proper  fo,  w„  ,„  „^„.^^         ' 
pru-cple,  or  ra.a.»re.,«,glec,.d  .ogive ,hem  hi. e„ure  ,t„^ 

«on.„dperfec.op„f.de„ce.Mr.H»,i„o„,.fterha.i„6hee»L.„ 
«dhyU.e„p„.„ea„p.„y,or.e™„,„i„,,l.^'^; 
A..™ea„s,  ™  ,i„,»,  „rg.„„„ce„i.y,  ,  „,^„.„^* '^, 


\J 


43 

Stcretaiy,  #b{cfa  be  held  under  Washington ;  having  «pent  ih  the 
public  service  a  great  part  of  the  fruita  of  his  former  hibours. 

Mr.  Adams,  at  the  end  of  his  presidential  term,'rctired  at  the 
request  of  the  republicam,  to  make  room  for  Mr.  Jefferson,  who 
at  that  time  declared  the  government  was  in  the  full  tide  of  suc- 
cessful experiment :  And  I  need  not  tell  you,  it  is  now  overwhel- 
med wilb  suffering  and  disgrace. 

Towards  the  close  of  the  presidential  term  of  Mr.  Adams,  the 
views  Which  Wasliingtoo  bad  at  that  time  of  his  measures,  and 
the  political  state  of  the  country  gs  it  respected  onr  relations  with 
France,  are  concisely  stated  in  a  letter  addressed  by  him  to  Mr. 
Adams,  of  which  the  M  lowing  Is  an  extract  >— 

«  It  was  not  possible  forme  to  remain  ignorant  of,  or  indifferent 
to  recent  transaetions.  The  conduct  of  the  directory  of  France 
totrards  our  country  ;  their  insidious  hostility  to  its  government ; 
their  various  practices  to  witbdraw  the  affections  ot  the  people 
from  H  ;  tiie  evident  tendency  of  their  arts  and  those  of  their 
agents,  to  countenwice  and  invigorate  opposition  ;  their  disregard 
of  Solemn  treaties  and  the  laws  of  nations ;  their  war  upon  our  ^ 
defenceless  commerce ;  their  treatment  of  our  ministers  of  peace, 
and  their  demand,  amounting  to  tribute,  could  not  fail  to  ejtcite  in 
jne  sentiments  corresponding  with  those  my  oountrymen  have  so 
generally  expressed  in  their  affectionate  addresses  to  you.  Be- 
lieve me,  sir,  no  man  can  more  cordially  approve  the  wise  and 
prudent  measure^  of  your  administration.  They  ought  to  inspire 
universal  confidence." 

Yet  that  party  who  assumed  the  mme  of  republican,  that  party 
wlHch  \^a3hii%ton  called  the  French  party,  and  which  he  sdd 
were  the  curse  of  this  country,  and  the  source  of  all  the  evils  it 


b 


■4  A 


TbS""' 


''i 


p  'P 


( 
I 

■V 


■JS 


;'|-     O^ 


•)  : 


■44 

r 

tad  so  er,couwcr ;»  h.d  it  ,eera.  «i,hd™™  thdr  t«,Sd™„  ft™, 
.Mr.  A.la„,.,.„d  .h.  measures  of  W.  .dmW«r.,io„.  „d  de„ou„. 
ced  them  ..  I,„.ti,e  ,o  „p„wu:.„  Ubmy.    Atxl  ,our  «p„blic„' 
I«Jcr^evento,M.,imc,„<,u,d  h.,e you b.,«,e,  ,h.. your pre- 

m  Mr.  Adami, 

Butktth.  voice  of  r.a,o„  a»d  truth  b.  l,«rd;    Wu 'h„. 
*«n  d.ce,.ed.  you  -« jealous  of  your, ihe„y,  i„„  .nguatxled 
^o^eutyou  yielded  .o  the  dominion  of  p...io„,  y„„didL.e0, 
t-,,.der,„efa,a„e„de„cy„fi„fo„„ded  p„j„dice.,  and  you  Z 
-.S-dandeondemned  the  poii.ica,  eha«te.  and  pHncipie 
J.r^tpo«.o„„ryo„rfe.,..,,>.,„,^„„„^^^_,^^/^ 

I  have  owed,  th.t,i,ere  are  but  t.vo  mod«  of  proof  by  Whic* 
«  can  at,e«  to  the  .e„.i,„.„t,  „f  „thera,  either  by  their  profe.. 
«on.  or  ^m,  oyer,  act,  ,ha  nature  of  Which  CeaHy  e,i„cr,o 
«»  m.nd.he  princip.e  which  m„,.i,a,e produced  it  ButTed.^ 
*"•"  '""  *°  ^™'«'  '^  *«  '"".  P-f'"  a  atrougpredilecUon 

Pularity  of  his  name  »  ^  ^  ''^  ""^  ^^dvantage  fttDm  tl«  po. 

«.ven  wish  they  had  been  more'enrJet "^1^^  J  ^T  °'**^'^"«'  ^^^ 
under  the  reservations  I  havem.de  JSn  V  """^^  ^^  ^^^^  i**  <='^, 
out  hope.  a>ad  and  intox.cIX^e  »t„T  *  T*' '  ^^'^  ^"^  "°*  -'^h! 

on  the  dfvi«,on  of  the  people  Ij  ^^l^T  f  ?"'""  "  ^''^'^  '^"'^^^''^ 
their  party,  i,  ^duced'ra  e lu^^^^^^^^  '"^"^  ^^  «^-I-ct  fro«. 

vrhether  THAT  PARTY  Jjf".^'"*^' *''«"Sh  it  «  somewhat  equivocal  «til] 

TRVandtheSOUKS^oVSl/E^^^^^^^^^  «^'  '^^  '^0^' 

2^^.  -ay  not  be  able  to  co "Lf  ^H  nr^L"^''^  "^'^  ^*^^«»^N- 
fc  tl^  expense  could  not  ^T^u^^ZJ"^^^^^      »  V^y  it 


ji>' 


1 --..•»/-,' 


■ili^ 


r^^:j^-a 


'  i!.;"j- 


"i«*' 


•n 


m 


^.w 


;a  -f  t  V. 


?t-,..  «^ 


and  denoui)* 
r  republicaN 
^at  your  pre- 
Iministration 

^u  hava 
I  unguarded 
did  not  cbn^ 
I  you  have 
I  principles 
i»  truth  and 

of  by  which 
-ir  profea- 
Evinces  to 
But  fcder- 
redirection 

n  to  Charles 
EJ'al  months 
•arty  now  in 
rom  the  po- 

e  measures 
sfence,  and 
wyitscaU, 
n  not  with- 
luse  before 
ilculationa 
ptct  from 
focai  gtUl, 
»  COUN. 
iNCOUN- 
■ »  pity  it 


45 

for  our  rcpnbKctth  cw«kution ;  they  say  they  arc  repubUcans,  orx 
and  all,  and  Mr.  Jefferson  i^aa  also  «iid  the  same,  and  nothing 
*  they  have  ever  said  or  written,  which  has  ever  come  to  the  know- 
ledge of  the  public,  has  furnished  any  evidence  to  the  contrary. 

And  here  permit  me  to  ask  you,  who  claim  the  exclusive  title 
totheappe'.lationof  republican,  whk  other  proofs  have  you  to 
evince  to  the  mind  the  republicanism  of  your  principled,  than 

your  professions  ? 

Were  you  to  reason  with  an  ancient  christian  oft  this  subject, 
he  would  probably  say  to  you  ;  shew  me  your  principles  without 
your  works,  and  I  will  shew  you  my  principleB  by  my  works.    If 
it  would  rtot  give  offence  in  this  enlightened  age,  to  ask  the  same 
question,  the  answer  would  be  the  same  now  as  then.    Principles 
are  not  ofthemselyes  objects  of  vision,  but  fundamental  truths, 
which  exist  in  the  mind,  and  are  the  source  from  which  actions 
are  produced.    Itis  impossible  therefore  to  show  to  the  world 
that  yo.r  principles  are  republican,  except  by  measures,  which    , 
are  the  natural  result  and  effect  of  such  principles;  unless  the' 
name  i^pubUcan  is  to  be  considered  as  evidence  of  the  principles 
ofhim  who  ia  pleased  to  assume  the  appelladon.        < 
This  kind  of  proof  however  will  not  pass  current  unless  u  ,s 

among  mad  men  and  ideots. 
It  reminds  one  of  the  limner  who  before  he  exhibited  his  p^.. 

«m;r  view,  took  care  to  designate  the  respective  «»-* 
tures  to    puD"c  >««   >  ..,...,  u 

imalswhichhe  would  represent,  by  wrxung  directly  over  each 

one  its  proper  name,  that  the  specutor  might  not  mistake  the 
lion  for  the  lamb.  If  the  artist  wanted  either  skill  or  disposition  to 
exhibit  any  other  evidence  of  the  nature  of  the  animal  he  would 
^present  than  the  name,  he  was  blameless,  provided  he  taxed  the 
people  notluDg  for  liis  exhihiuoo. 


'■'r'' 


'^? 


H.1 


■< 


M^ 


!; 


I''    f 


1 


i 
i 

■  i 


.'t 


■jiS. 


'-•A>t. 


VS 


"■■-(,!■ 


<Vv 


'-^■%         ■'■■ 


J 

Should  this  be  ca'iajHi-—-' -J  <• 

sure  of  convcmence  t»  pre  v„„,  „u«k,,  i„  f„.„„     j_^,  _^^ 
.-n  appoint  one  or  „„,ro  persons  i„  each  cou„„  ,„ro„,a„„,  ^ 

,ua  «cauo„a„f.,o,.„„o.,ana.s.,„e.he„a™e  of  replc^ 
"""  '"f""'  '"«■» """?.  »l'o  .hall  be  found  orthodox    in  .h, 
^.Ke  Ooa  of  lihor.,  „.  e,„a,i,  .  „ho  ahal,  re:^„     J     ^ 
a.d  .0  a  red  cap  wiu,  ,he  word  republican,  ,™„eu  i„  ,ar!    ' 
faU  on  .h.  front,  .Oho  provided  a.  the  e,pc„.e  of  .h    '       '"' 
«=n.a„d  direetthati:  .h.,1  be  ,or„  onaUda,.of  e   et'^r' 
.vouldh.v.a.e„de„cy.oexc.„<,ci„po.to„f,„„J^-    '^■• 
l»n„„tbl=  tiUe,  ^  e«ble  the  pe»ie  thereb,  °™.""""""^  "■« 

PUoe,  .here  „„„,d  „„,  be  f„„„d  a  ,_  „„„,„.  „/;^;     ^^^ 

:  ■"""".»*.,  profess  their  attachment  to. p„blica„  'ZiJ, 
jet  do  „o.  Cain,  a,,  exclusive  Utie  to  .,„t  appellation,  ad  .1  ' 
forowouldno.  be  enUtled  to  .he  red  cap.  The^  helie^  1  "■ 
«h0  are  governed  b,  certain  mr,,„>.„  ^.ylj^^T" 
pavucular  „a„e.  but  that  .atne  con^i^,  „„  ki^  ^  '^  ' 
«M  such  principles  do  exist.  ^^  "^  ""''""' 

I  should  not  have  inKle  those  remarks  wa.  •.  •   "    '  " - 

<!■»  plainest  dict«,.   r  °°'  ''"^="<'  "»« 

•■».E.c,nfluence,„hichinthe„M„„rt,,„.^    ,, 

'       r  •  "  ;  -  ■  ■    '     ---«  mA-  ■-  '■'         ■      .  , 

,  -,;  '.'1  _,'■-/  ,  . 

■   ■    ■■  ■«>,     ,  -.    . 


■  *f:^y-l5>  ^-  >  :*  •'  ;^  y^  ■■'Si*  'V '.; ,  n^  -^'-m^S-'-P  .X, 
■  X-K'J,:^     -■'■ .  ■,- .■^.■ -^ ■;,-  !-■    ^.•-'....-■'t.T-i. /-v..^  ■  ■ 


?^jl^- 


*^r^  ^^*^  ■ 


,.ii«'  *« 


t.C 


4f 

overwhelfned  courts  Mid  cabioets  and  cbopctes,  and  io  our  own 
•ountrjr,  has  disaolved  the  codearing  ties,  which  bind  together  eo- 
cietf,  aai  blew  the  condition  of  man ;  and  like  the  honW  din  of  ilic 
tocsioj  weraytd  the  fiends  erf  misguided  pasaion,  against  the  laws 
of  heaTeo  and  nature,  and  would  erect  for  its  votam«i  a  throne 
on  the  ruins  of  liberty. 

If  those  who  are  called  republtcana  have  no  other  or  greater 
evidepce,  by  which  they  can  prove  themselves  to  be  the  friendaof 
ova  constitution  and  republican  liberty,  our  party  distinctions 
at  once  are  at  an  end ;  and  the  only  inquiry  respecting  the 
(HJalifications  of  candidates  for  office  wiU  in  future  relate  only  to 
their  wisdom  and  integrity,  and  not  the  insignificancy  ol  inamc  t 

If  ^hen  political  names  do  not  furnish  ai^  evidence  whatever, 
that  the  principles  they  arc  designed  to  designate  do  in  fiict  exist ;  . 
it  follows  of  course  that  the  tqaxi  who  assumes  op<m  himself  th^ 
name  of  republican,  is  entitled  to  no  confidence  in  bis  attachment 
to  an  elective  govemmept  by  virtne  of  his  name.    Neither  does 
th^  appellation  of  federalist,  fumi»h  any  evi     ic*  whatever,  that 
lie  wlw  is  called  by  that  name,  is  under  the  infli^ence  of  ibonarcliif , 
cal  principles.    And  as  to  the  professions  of  men,  if  they  are  to 
be  admitted  as  proofs  of  their  principles :  federalisU  have  equal 
and  the  same  e  vidence  that  they  are  attached  to  an  elective  govcrnr 
raent,  as  those  who  are  called  republicans.    But  the  truth  is,  the 
professions  of  men  respecting  their  principles  can  no  farther  be  , 
admitted  as  competent  evidence  to  prove  what  are  their  reafe* 
principles,  than  their  acdoij)  wfcich  result  therefrom,  correspond 
with  their  professions. 

If  then  you  would  form  correct  opinions  respectingthe  poliiicalj' 
sentiments  of  your  fellow-citizens,  you  must  derive  your  evidence 
from  a  pure  source  j  from  some  overt  act,  some  poIiUcal  mpasure 


n 


•'i'  V  • 


.i.i  ■ 


j4, 
'1 


ii:W 


■'O^t 


^' 


:« 


#•". 


4» 


tfcewltire  of  which  ckarly  evinces  to  the  mind  the  principle 
which  iDuat  hare  produced  it.  .    ,   , 

It  wfjl  be  recollected  that  although  the  membew  of  the  Con- 
^entim  which  framed  our  censtitution,  were  divided  in  opinion 
onthf;  lubject  of  ihe  constitution,  it  was  finally  unanimously 
adopted  But  Mr.  Hamilton  or  any  others  who  might  at  that 
time  have  had  objections  to  the  constitution  similar  to  thofco 
which  he  had  suggested,  did  not  suppose  after  it  was  adopted, 
they  could  be  justified  in  making  that  instrument  which  had  be- 
come the  great  bulwark  of  our  liberties,  any  longer  a  subject  of 
political  dissension.  They  were,  and  continued  to  b»!,its  firm 
«od  uniform  supporters. 

But  there  was  a  party  throughout  the  United  States  who  were 
opposed  to  the  constitution  even  in  its  present  form :  they  would 
have  ha<)  neither  a  chief  magisirute  or  senate,  but  the  whote 
legislative  body  to  consist  of  an  assembly  of  represenutivej* 
similar  to  that  which  was  established  In  France  after  the  de- 
scruction  of  their  monarchy.  This  party  had  charged  the  ad- 
vocates of  our  present  constitution  with  a  desire  to  establish  a 
monarchy  on  the  ruins  of  republican  liberty:  and  the  constitu- 
tion itself  it  was  alledged,  contained  principles  which  would 
prove  the  truUi  of  this  charge. 

The  leaders  of  that  party  had  therefore  been  ready  from  the 
instant  the  government  came  into  operation,  to  discover  in  all 
its  measures,  those  monarchical  tendencies,  which  they  had 
perceived  in  the  instrument  they  opposed.*  They  insisted  that 
the  constitution  bore  a  strong  resemblance  to  that  of  Great- 
Britain  :  and  that  some  of  the  first  measures  of  the  administra- 
•  See  Marshall's  Life  pf  Washington,  Vol,  V.  p.  350, 


.    i\.         J  "/     .'3  ^*  V.      5S«(     '    ».^    i    ^i^    '     Alt.-'     .^    :  ^;.<-^-s 


-» -a.^' 


5^'' 


'lt-|fi 


;??s3' 


4.V 


lion,  atio  w.re  foanded  in  a  poUcy  u\t^  to  thtt  i^hich  tUa, 
country  bad  adopted.  By  refeHng  t«*  tht  JoumaU  of  Ifce  eon- 
'rention.  of  the  respective  States,  which  we«>  called  to  ditctt«l 
the  merit,  of  the  conttitotioH,  and  to  reject  «^adopt4t,  it  wlO 
be  found,  that  those  »ery  men  throughout  the  United  Stat«^ 
who  were  oppowd  to  tHe  adoption  of  tbt  constitution,  ware  the 
men  who  commenced  the  opposition  to  the  adnanistf^tioiHii 

Washington. 

The  first  great  and  principal  leader  «f  that  oppo«tion-wa. 
Thomas  Jefferson,  then  Secretafy  qf  Sute.  And  betweeii  hinl 
and  Alexander  Hamilton  who  was  then  Secretary  of  the  Treaa- 
ury.  there  was  a  differed  of  opinion  on  tbo«  great  nationai 
questions,  the  decision  of  which  completed  the  organi«ition  of 
those  two  parties  which  at  this  time  are  agitating  and  confound, 
ing  the  councils  of  the  republic. 

Mr  HamUton  in  pursuance  of  the  doty  pertaimng  te  his  <rf- 
fice,  digeated  and  reported  various  plans  for  estabUshing  tha 
credit  of  the  United  States,  by  providing  for  th*  payment  of  the 
pobtic  debt.  These  were  approved  of  by  Washington  and  a 
great  majoriiy  of  his  administraaon,  and  passed  into  laws,  and 

constituted  what  was  called  the  Funding  System,  stoilar  in  some 

respects  to  that  which  existed  in  Great-Britain. 
It  ahouldl«ere  be  recollected  that  our  ancestors  who  establish- 

edfor  us  our  republican  institutions,  derived  all  their  science 

in  the  policy  of  legislation  from  Great-Britain.  • ).; 

-  In  that  country,  as  in  others  on  the  eastern  continent,  the  bu. 

slness  of  taxation  has  been  practiaed  ii.  almost  e^ry  p«a«. 

ble  farm,  no  one  of  which  eyer  did,  or  ever  wiU  gtve  enux. 

eatjsfection,  inthatoranyothar  .ountry.     B^t  it  eouldnotb. 


>  h'*-1 


1^.\ 


1 


no 


I 


U.       i 


<   '..        * 


1;' 


ii 


expected  that  a  syueip  of  taxation  could  ever  be  devisM)  ioth«. 
linked  Sutes,  wWch  would  not  bear  somo  airong  reseml^c« 
to  those  of  Great'Britaiii.    It  is  not  ncx^awry  therefore  to  at- 
l«mpt  an  inveadfaUoii  of  the  nature  or  effects  of  those  Jaws,  to 
thow  UiM  no  evidence  whatever  could  be  derivc4  from  Ihem 
Vhich  could  in  any  way  eyince  a  disposition  in  the  authwt^  f«. 
■vouraWe  to  a  monarchy,  or  to  the  British  nation.    If  in  a  free 
•tete  laws  are  made  which  are  unequal  in  their  operations  an4 
imnec^sa^ly  burdensome  to  the  people,  mch  laws  may  fur- 
mh  evidence  that  the  authors  of  them  are  de^utute  either  of 
talent^  or  integrity;  but  the  most  devoted  p^nlmn,  the  most 
ifabuf  guardian  of  our  liberties,  could  never  believe,  tluisu^h 
law«  of  themselves,  could  furnish  any  proof,  that  th«  author* 
of  them  were  monarchists  or  enemies  to  republican  liberty , 
the  idea  is  too  absurd  to  admit  of  apy  consideration. 

»utUi«oppo8ers^of  the  administration,  at  that  time,^rr?ign 
«d  and  poi^lcraned  at  the  bar  of  public  opinion  all  those  mea- 
^iff»i|b|cfchadorigioatea^wtthth^  ^^^  Trcasuiy 

.   ••  well  aa  many  others  of  great  national   concern,  ail  which 
were  finally  adopted,  with  the  entire  approbation  of  Washing. 

ton. 

•  »-/4"  *  ■  ';■■  ■. 
The  authors  of  these  measures  were  censored,  because  they 
in  the  first  place,  had  been  instrumental  in  forming  a  consiitu-^ 
tion,  which  it  was  said  must  have  been  the  result  of  monarchi- 
cal principles,  from  the  resemblance  it  had  to  the  British  coo- 
atitmion:  alleging  that  similar  powcrjj  wer?  vested  in  the  pre^ 
aident,  Senate  and  House  qf  ^leprcscntativea,  to  those  which 
by  the  British  consutution  wet«e  vested  in  the  King,  ;,ord,  and 
Commons. 

There  was  perhaps  no  measure  of  Washington's  admijuftra.. 


I 


1 


%l 

doa  ttVow  pointedly  wd  itrenuoutiy  oMJowd  thwi  the  »>«*« 
,y«icm,  by  which  provision  vra.  rowie  lor  payment  of  the  pob- 
Ua  ckbi  which  had  accrued  during  the  r*volutionarf  WM.    Tl  o 
repubUcan  party  contended  that  the  fanding  qrttem  fomishel 
cooclttiive  evidence  that  the  autbora  0t  it  were  aauated  by  mo  • 
narchical  principlei,  and  Britiah  inftuence }  becauae  1ft  Orrti 
Britain  ihcy  have  a  fundir.g  tyaiem,  and  the  government  M' 
Great  Britain  ia  a  monarchy.    And  because  our  fedeial  TUiefii 
ettabliabed  a  funding  aystera,  they  must  therefore  have  beea 
attached  t<.  a  monarchy.    But  it  wa.  contended  that  thla  mea. 
Hure  waa  ...oloundcd  in  bad  policy.    The a,igin.l  cr.««tur. 
«any  of  them  had  parted  with  the  certificates  whkh  coatiOned 
n,e  evideuce  of  their  rcM»ective  debt*,  at  a  great  deduction  fi^ 
thenomlnaWalue:  and  it  was  .aid  thoae  creditor,  hadthereby 
«.nife«ed  their  willingne.a  to  add  to  their  other  sacn^J^^^ 
deduction  fVom  their  ^emaad  upon  ^  nauon  :  and  therefore 
^  purchasers  of  thatdebt,  ought  not  to  t^cetve  any  more  thaft 
^hat  they  had  paid  the  original  creditor. 

Thwe  who  were  in  favor  of  the  ayatem  contended,  that  it 
.V.S  subversive  of  every  principle  on  which  public  contract, 
.re  founded,foralegislative  body  todimiuishadebtthe amount 

.C  which  had  heen  ascertained,  and  for  ^^«  P^^-"^  «^  f;^J 
^ey  considered  the  property  S.a  «cred  honor  of  the  j^c. 
1  of  the  United  Stateswas  pledged.  Of  the  Jusuce  or  poh^ 
!f  that^easure  let  the  people  judge :  ^^^^;''''^ 

you  that  some  of  those  very  men  who  opposed  ^J^^ 
Ld  many  others  Who  ha,i  hee«  the  firm  suppor^rs  of  the.r  po- 

Ucy  and  po^er.  are  at  thi.  time,  purchasing  of  the  poor  .d, 
Jr,  his'ciaim.  o«  the  go^mment,  at  prices  reat^ed  below 


I 


\ 


'm 


:^2 


^ 
^ 


th«  nonuaal  vftUie,  in  pr^oportion  to  the  ftressure  ot  hia  neces 
sitf ,  occas'nued  by  the  ruin  of  that  pblky  which  bad  given  to 
the  funding  Bfstem  life  and  vigor.  But  it  was  not  these  laws 
bnljr  which  ctostituted  the  funding  syjtem,  by  which  the  re- 
publican partfi  attempted  to  excite  prejudices  against  Wash- 
Vigten  and  his  administration :  the  opposition  was  soon  direct- 
ed against  altnolt  every  measure^  and  the  authoni  of  them  ac- 
cused of  being  tii«  enemies  of  republican  liberty.  "  The  sala- 
ries dilowet'  to  public  officers,  though  so  low*  as  not  to  afford  a 
decent  maintenance  to  tBose  who  resided  at  the  seat  of  govem- 
mentf  were  dectai^d  to  be  so  enormously  high,  a»  clearly  t© 
manifctt  A  total  diiireg«rd  of  that  simplicity  M)d  economy,  which 
•were  the  eharactcrifttlcs  of  republics.'* 

"  The  levees  of  the  President,  and  the  evening  parties  of 
Mrs.  Washington,  were  said  to  be  imitations  of  regal  institu- 
tions, deiigned  to  actlHstom  the  Aftiericpn  people  to  the  pomp 
and  manners  of  European  courts.  The  itth  war  they  alleged 
was  misconducted  and  unnecessarily  |»ro)iiuged  for  the  puirposes 
of  exjjendiBg  th(  pubiiit  money,  and  of  affording  a  pretext  for 
augmetitihg  the  liiilitary  establishment  and  inCt-easinig  the  re- 
venue. All  this  prodigal  waste  of  the  people's  mOiiey  Was  to 
keep  up  the  national  debt,  which  united  with  standing  armies 
andimmetise  revenues,  Wduld  enable  their  rulcr^  to  rivet  the 
chains  which  they  were  tecretly  forging."f    It  was  not  long 

"*  The  salary  of  the  Secretary  of  State  which  was  the  highest,  Was  three 
IhoHsMd  five  hundred  dolhtM.  Mr.  AtfTersen  himsdf  patronized  the  press 
at  that  time  which  denounced  federal  men  for  high  salarIes..^He  and  bis  co- 
patriot^  h»ve  doubtless,  become  »inoe  cortvinced  of  their  error,  in  that  re- 
Bpect,  m  ^e  have  heard  nothing  of  that  compiaint  for  fourtMh  years. 

I  8e»  Marshairs  Life  of  Washtegton,  vol.  S.  p,  350     See  »ho  the  J«ir 
nsk  and  d«b%tw  0f  Congrou  f|t  that  ti7i9< 


r"*   'w^ 


**    S^jtlk     tik.'.i 


Ilia  neces 
d  given  to 
these  lawB 
rh  the  re- 
»t  Wash- 
ion  direct- 
f  them  ac- 

The  Mla- 
to  sSbrda 
of  goyern- 

clearly  to 
way  I  which 

parties  of 
;al  institu- 
)  th^  pomp 
bey  alleged 
e  put-poses 
pretext  for 
ig  the  rc- 
kty  was  to 
ling  armies 
0  rivet  the 
s  not  long: 

:»t,  ti'as  three 
zed  the  press 
Fe  mi.  bis  co- 
r,  in  that  re- 
V  years. 

t»o  the  Jmir 


53 
„._  ^..  ..n,m«ncemcnt  of  Waabington's  adminiatratrofi,  th*t 
a  clerk  ift  the  office  of  the  SecreUry  of  State,  becj.m€  the  e4ltor 
of  a  certain  newspaper,  called  the  NaUonal  Gazette,  whiefc  was 
patronised  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  and  soon  became  the  vehicle  of 
calumny  against  the  most  important  measures  of  the  flrat  ad- 
minUtr^tion,  and  the  men  who  proposed  and  supported  them. 

It  «i«  through  the  medium  of  the  press  only,  that  the  bate 
.landers,  the  most  outrageous  abuses  of  the  conduct  and  cb* 
fna*t  of  Washington  and  his  policy,  came  to  his  knowledge- 
The  republicans  have  been  told  millions  of  times,  and  they 
have  as  often  denied,  that  Washington  and  hia  political  friends, 
were  themen  against  whom  the  first  efforts  of  democracy  were 
directed.    But  in  this  they  have  been  deceived ;  they  have  de- 
rived thp  evidence  on  which  are  fou^ided   iveir  political  pre^u- 
diees  from  an  impure  source. 

So  violent  and  unceasing  was  Uie  opposition  to  the  measures 
ef  Washington's  administration,  that  he  was  filled  with  the 
tnost  painful  sensations  for  the  event.  As  proof  of  this  fact,  I 
lefer  you  to  a  letter*  which  he  addressed  to  Mr.  Jefferson  on 
the  2ad  day  of  August,  in  the  third  y^ar  of  his  administratioD* 
in  which  he  wrote  as  follows : 

«  How  unfortunate  and  how  much  is  it  to  be  regretted,  that 
while  we  are  encompassed  on  all  sides  with  avowed  enemies 
and  insidious  friends,  internr^  dl^sensiolp  should  be  harrowing 
and  tearing  our  vitaU     the  last  to  me  is  the  most  serious,  the 
most  alarming,  and  iU  most  affiicting  of  the  two  ;  and  without 
ftiore  charity  for  the  opinions  of  one  another,  in  governmental 
Clatters,  or  some  more  infallible  criterion  by  which  the  truth 
of  speculative  «|«iions,  before  they  have  undergone  the  test 
•  9tt  MsrsKalVs  ViStot  WsteWngtoA,  v«»l.  I.  p  9$r. 


,Ss>.^ 


f 


M, 


•".I 


Qf  experience,  al-e  to  be  faiejadged,  than  lias  yetiiiUeh  to  tU 
lot  of  fallibilUy,  I  believe  it  will  be  difficult,  if  not  impractica- 
ble to  manage  the  reins  of  government,  or  to  keep  the  parts  of 
it  togethfer :  for  if  instead  of  laying  our  shoulders  to  the  tea- 
chine,  after  measures  have  been  decided  on,  one  pulls  this  way 
and  another  that,  before  the  utility  of  the  thing  is  feirly  tricdj 
it  must  be  inevitably  torn  asunder ;  and  in  my  opinion,  the  fair- 
est prospect  that  dver  was  presented  to  man,  vfilJ  be  lost,  per- 
haps for  ever.**  ' 

But  all  his  endeavours  to  conciliate  the  opposition  to  his  mea- 
sures, were  una.vailiog.    On  the  2 1  »t  day  of  Jluly,  the  next  year 
after  the  letter  of  which  the  above  is  an  extract  w&s  written^ 
Washington  addressed  a  letter  to  Gen.  Lee,  then  Govenror  of  Vir- 
ginia, on  the  sjbjcct  of  the  opposition  to  his  administration,  which 
Was  mlade  through  the  medium  of  the  press— from  wluch  letter 
the  following  is  an  extract  :•— >'  The  arrows  of  malevolence,  there- 
fore, however  barbed  and  pointed,  can  never  reach  my  most  vulne- 
rable part;  though  whilst  I  am  up  as  a  mark,  they  will  be  con- 
tinually aimed  at  me.  the  publications  in  Freneau's and  Bachc's*^ 
papers  are  outrages  on  common  decency ;  and  they  progress  in 
that  style  in  proportion  as  their  pieces  are  treated  with  contempt 
and  passed  oVer  in  silence  by  those,  against  whom  they  are  di- 
reefed.    Their  tendency  however,  is  too  obvious  to  be  mistaken 
by  men  of  cool  and  dispassionate  minds,  and  in  my  opinion  ought 
to  alarm  thctn  5  because  it  is  difficult  to  prescribe  bounds  to  their 
■;»ffect." 

■  Will  you  ask,  how  do  the  calumnies  against  Washington,  and 
tfce  measures  which  he  approved,  furnish  evidence  that  our  prc- 

•  Bache  was  a  Clerk  in  the  office  »t'  tbi?  Secretary  of  Statey  and  his  paper     • 
patronized  by  Mr.  Jetterson.  '''■[:' 


f'jf^iif^^'; 


*M-fJ 


*'Wr'  'ji  ■  jn^^ 


'■^\-.. 


ulen  to  tbt& 
mpractica- 
lie  parts  of 
to  the  tra- 
Is  this  yrny 
irly  trifedj 
i,  thcfair- 
ioat,  per- 

0  his  mca* 
next  year 
is  writteiH 
)or  of  Vir- 
lion,whicli 
jch  letter 
ice,  therc- 
ost  vulne- 
ill  be  coi)- 
IBachc'fe^ 
rogresa  in 
contempt 
cy  are  di- 
mistaken 
ion  ouf  ht 
Is  to  their 

;ton,  and 
our  prc- 

i  his  paper 


5» 

-.jj:.^.  .^-;..»  r..A^t<a%  men  ova  ill  fnimflpfl  ?  Inansv^er  tathistlet 
me  enquire  of  you,  how  you  came  by  them  I  Through  what  chan- 
nel did  you  derive  your  evidence  that  federal  men  are  under  th«s 
influeitce  of  monarchical  principles,  and  thereforo  datigerowi 
men  I  They,  as  I  before  observed,  have  made  rl#  professions  M' 
such  principles.  No  :  they  tell  you,  they  prefer  an  elective  go^ 
vernment  j  and  ten  prove  it,  they  refer  you  to  what  they  have  done 
and fSufiered  to  acq^iire  such  a  goveriiment :  to  their  blood  an4 
treasure,  and  that  of  their  fathers  and  friends,  which  has  been  free- 
ly expended  in  the  acquisition  :  and  they  tell  you  they  are  still 
ready  to  fight  and  to  die  in  defence  of  that  Constitution,  which  1^ 
their  courage  and  wisdom  they  have  achieved.  They  point  yow 
to  the  aeld  of  battle,  to  which  they  have  flown  to  victor'  and  to 
death,  that  they  might  repel  an  invading  foe,  which  your  miscM- 
We  policy  has  brought  upon  our  borders,  and  which  your  dastard- 
ly efforts  cannpt  repel  without  their  aid. 

The  question  returns  then,  how  came  you  by  your  prejudices! 

They  arc  not  the  creatures  of  a  day.    That  sudden  impulse,  l^ 

vyhich  we  are  led  to  resist  or  to  oppose  another  for  some  supper 

sed  offence  or  intended  injury,  is  the  effect  of  passion.    Prejudice 

is  a  sentiment  or  judgment  formed  without  examining  the  groMtida 

©r  evidence  necessary  to  support  it.     Judgments  or  sentiments 

«ierefore,  that  are  founded  in  prejudice,  can  never  be  considered 

as  any  e\ddeirce  of  themselves,  that  theiactson  which  they  ar. 

supposed  t6  be  founded  do  exist.    That  you  entertain  prejudices 

againstfederai  men,  you  do  not  deny  s  and  that  these  prejudice* 

»e  producing  serious  evils  among  us  is  certsfinly  true  :  anditis 

seriously  believed  that  unless  the  differences  among  the  people, 

which  have  been  created  by  these  prejudices,  can  be  reconciledj 

they  will  end  in  the  ruin  of  our  repubUc. 


r'piM' 


^^J^ 


IAl 


56 


■"I 


:^ 


■i  \ 


tou  wre  tfaer«fore»  at  this  alarming  crisis,  urged  by  the  duly 
Which  you  owe  to  your  country  and  to  posteiity,  to  examine  the 
evidence  on  which  your  prejudices  hav4  been  fbunded.  And  to 
this  end  your  attention  has  been  invited  to  the  calumniatora  of 
WasWngton  and  hi»  policy,  as  themen,from  whom,  on  a  revtew 
of  the  subject,  you  must  be  cohvmced  that  you  hate  derived  tbe^ 
•^dence,  to  which  your  present  prejudices,  owe  their  <m^ 
*tfidence  which  viU  be  found  on  examination,  totally  incempe- 
tpnt,  in  its  very  nature,  to  decide  tlte  roost  unimportant  <;iv^ 


Strictures  on  the  administration  of  government  are  riflrf* 
through  the  medium  of  the  press,  and  through  that  channel  com- 
tnunicated  to  the  people,  by  those  individuals  who  approve  the». 
Those  presses  which  arc  established  at  the  scat  of  government, 
where  tneasui-es  originate,  and  where,  it  is  believed  the  real  views 
and  principles  of  their  authors  are  best  known,  arc  tlie  first  tb 
give  them  currency,  the  National  Gazette  to  which  I  have  al- 
luded, and  other  papers  became  the  vehicles  of  the  calumnies 
against  Washington  and  his  administratmn,  soon  after  the  govern- 
ment went  into  operation  ;  and  those,  or  their  contents  copi^.|nr 
to  other  papers,  were  circulated  among  the  people. 

It  must  therefore  be  through  the  medium  of  democratic  papers, 
first  published  at  the  seat  of  government,  that  you  derived  your 
first  information,  that  your  liberties  had  been  entrusted  with  dan- 
gerous men.  TWs  is  evident.  There  is  no  other  mode  by  which 
the  motives,  views,  and  principles  of  men,  so  frr  removed  from 
the  great  bod;  of  the  electxjrs  as  those  who  reside  at  the  scat  of 
government,  could  be  communicated.  To  extead  the  circulatioa 
of  these  papers,  and  thereby  communicate  what  were  called  re- 
^ipublican  sentiments,  a  democratic  society  was  formod  at  Ptuladei- 


i>7 


30th  day  of  May  1793,  which  ^vas  the  fiWj  year 


of 


pUia,  on  the  30th  day  ot  *iay  ";«"  ""'^  ^^j^^l  of  Mr. 

Genet,  the  French  minister.        i"*:*^  r 

eh^pion.  of  alLhe  encroachment.  '«™P''eyfs,XrJ^ 
U,e  Fren.  1,  rcpnblic  on  Ac  governmen.  "f  f »  ""  '  ,7^^,  fc„ 

'l^^'LiCy  .  corresponding  -t^S^^^ 

through  the  aid  of  th»  »"=  "^  ^""         j„«ae«<,o  to  the  gmii 
i„5,„n.ndhi,n.eas«res^exun4^d    h^^^^ 

an  exception  to  the  number  of  thoae,  wuo  w 
-?ti™^S;;tXLo.«tKe..^U.™<^e^ 

corropt.  and  who  by  »°'""S  ^^,„.    By  »  i„„g  .cries  of 

,„  bles.  hi.  cbantr,^  ""  ™  uSled  d.»pl.y  «'  di.i».e«..ed 
alu«rio..s  acuons,  and  "^y^^,"""  "^  ,„;.«,e„edhin,«lf  on 

'    ^'"f  r- '!:, rfXtS^-"  tu'.-  ve'ry  n.n.e  paUied  the 

.ivfthecAsot  f*""f;°^^„i„„.p.„.i„,.,  heroes  and  SU..CS. 

^  "t  'SvVSS  .natlT  .Tconntry,  and  »h„  «o,ad 
Mien,  who  have  aciorneti  a»  ^  ^^,  ^^^^  ^^^^i 

,„e  honored^,  a.- "-n^^^^^ 

"'  T  '^"roie  c"w  he tuL,  who  alone  wip  destined  b,  Hea- 
rer: jrUidedc„n^^«.,of>^^^^^^^^^ 

rs:td:t:nr„:r:r:::aSze"«iu  sunind*. 
r,^„rt:;^-=he...^o„.ytobj«sa^^^^^^^ 

countfy,wd  died  in  her  service.    And  couW  that 

•  MarAi^a  Ufc  of  Wo^ngton-v.  5.  ^.427. 

H 


,  i 


y 


I 


■"*;-\-i 


••*'' 


in 


Ml      '/ 


ftgain^t  hcrbenefacior,  the  voice  of  deti-action  ?  It  could.  Wash- 
ington was  traduced  •  by  a  few  indeed,  a  despicable  few  of  his 
felio^Y-citiaens.  And  had  not  his  hand  recorded  the  ewldcace  of 
their  degeneracy,  you  never  would  have  i)elieved  it.  It  Was  re, 
served  for  him  alone  to  tranamit  to  us  for  the  benefit  of  our  coup- 
try,  the  evidence  of  the  degeneracy  of  the  age  in  which  We  live, 
as  a  warning  against  that  fatal  system  of  delusion  and  falsehood, 
•which  he  saw  was  preparing:  to  entangle  us  in  the  corrupt  prrfi- 
tics  of  foreign  courts,  and  to  enkindle  ^n^eng  us  the  flames  of  civil 

discord. 

Notwithstanding  every  effort  which  was  made  by  President 
"KVashington  to  restore  harmony  and  to  reconcile  his  opposers, 
the  democratic  parly  continued  with  unabating  zeal,  to  publish  ^he 
grossest  and  most  insidious  misrepresentations  against  every  act 
of  his  administration.  In  the  third  year  of  the  second  terra  of  his 
presidency,  he  evidently  discovered  that  strong  sensibility  which 
the  unqualified  abuse  of  his  opposers  could  not  fail  to  excite. 
In  a  letter  to  Mr.  Jefferson  on  this  subject,  he  has  the  followin|t 
lemarks: — *'■  Until  the  last  year  or  two,  I  had  no  conception,  that 
parties  would  or  ever  could  go  the  lengths  1  have  been  witness 
tt)  J  nor  did  I  believe  until  lately,  that  it  was  within  the  bounds  of 

probability baldly  within  those  of  po'  ibility,  that  whi}elwas 

•using  my  utmost  exertions  to  establish  «  national  character  of  our 
own,  independent,  as  far  as  our  obligations  and  justice  would  per- 
2nit»  of  every  nation  of  the  earth  }  and  wished,  by  steering  a  stea- 
dy course,  to  preserve  this  country  from  the  horrors  of  a  deso- 
lating war,  I  should  be  accused  of  being  the  enemy  of  QUc  nation, 
ajid  subject  to  the  influence  of  another  ;  and  toproveitthat  eve- 
•  iy  act  of  my  administration  would  be  tortured,  and  the  grossest 
and  most  insidious  misrepresentations  of  them  be  made  by  giving 
one  side  only  of  a  subject,  and  that  too  in  such  exaggerated,  and 
indecent  terms  as  could  scarcely  be  applied  to  a  Nero—to  a  no- 
torious defeulter,  or  even  to  a  common  pick -pocket." 

And  who  were  tlie  men  that  tortured  every  act  of  Washington's 

administration  to  prove  that  he  was  an  enemy  to  France,  and  sub- 

,  ject  to  the  influence  of  Great-Britain  ?     They  were  the  men  who 

''Wrected  and  supported  tlie  National  Gazette  a<  d  otike'r  presses 

vrhich  tirst  denouriced  federal  men  :   They  were  the  men  from 

-whom  you  derived  your  evidence  that  JV.r.  Adams  and  Mr.  Hami!- 


■r  A 


W^ 


^„„r^^>*,'^^^^-'"^'^"°'^'^"'""' 


^^Zr  you  beUeve  inU.  integn^a^r^^ 
Washington.'  Well  you  ^^^^^  .  "^'^^^  ^^.,,,dtouse  tKo 

nt  \w  appeared  to  belong  ^'^^'^^.^a  actuated  by  thotiVds 

purely  di.intereated,  and  m  this  re  i^       .^^^.ded. 

^  every  other  rnan  whose  life  ^^*  '';;^4  •      ,o  human  pride, 

I  .ell  know  ^'^«-^7;:,X  i r^^^^^  »-- 

to  be  forced  to  acknowledge  that  you   P  .^^^^^  ^^  ^^^    ^ 

been  founded  on  «?»«-"*  ^^t^^^r^ho.  to  t,ring  intodUcred- 
you  have  derived  from  the  very  ^^^v  ^^  ,^„i«et,  tortured 
Land  disrepute,   ^^poUt^cal  cha  ac«»^n ^  ^^^^^^ 

ey.ry  act  of  hb  ^^-^JI^^'^^  ^J^'^^^  an  e^nemy  to  France, 
that  he  was  partial  to  G--t.m  tarn  ap  ^.  ^  ^^^^ 

and  who  to  effect  their  ^o^  J^^,eaUrcs.  by  gV,ing  only 
iasidupus  -i^-prescntatto.    oflus^  ekags^tated  and 

one  side  of  asubject,  and  thai  too  Mvtr^ 

indecent  terms.  ^  .  ,  .  ,  ,„  .^.terity.    And  however  humd- 

But  history  wiUbe  fatthfttUo  P***^*"^  ^^  Uy  of  man,  the 
ilgtothe pride  of  A-^;-^^^^^^^^^^^  fu.J  generations 
trmlv  will  be  recorded,  and    m.»m   ^^^^^  ^^^^  ^^^  ^  f 

,H«>ugh  the^l-|  --f^  trenUndlcd  among  the  peoplo  of 
Civile  JJISCORO  were  '".„f  Washington. 
^nVunited  States  by  the  -^—.r^l^g.ined  credit  among 
'   B«tho#come.Utopas^^t^tth  ^^^^^^^^,^.„^.,„^dts- 

teriiy,  as  they  did  others  ^         ^        ^^.^^  not  be  deceived. 

The  truth  is,  wUh  '''^'^']lZ^,ac.l  character  were  im- 

Your  sentiments  respecting   "J^^^^,„,,  consult  the  opm- 

«,oveably  fi-e^--  ^^^f;' ^Mn'egrity-lus  wisdom,  orthepu- 

ions  of  Others  «^«P^^^;^^^\t  respect  to  others  who  were  the 

rity  of  his  motives.     K'^^J"  .^^  Ld  no  other  source  of  m- 

L  hora  of  federal  "^^'^''^^^^/^^^  for  evidence  of  their  prt- 
fornmtion  t>n  which  you  i^l^ose  to  ry^^^^^^^^^^^ 

,ate  views  and  P^-P^^^^'^m  t^o  nature  a^d  effec»of  thetr. 
posed  these  measures,  or  from  ta 


'■J 


( 


(iO 

political  conduct.     Cou W  you  have  know*  tliat  thoic  Tf ho  ffm 

soun(]ed  the  alarm,   and  cxcitprl  vnu..  ;-»u. -_,t     .   ^  .      . 

,5.^.  j>„.„„ny  agaiuBc  leaerai 

men  and  mcasyres,  were  the  very  men  who  Were  the  reviler.  of 
Washington,  the  men  who  were  making  the  mo«  insidious 
misrepresentations   of  him  and  his  views  and  poHcy,  you  cer- 
tamly  would  have  doubted  respecting,  eiihei' their  integrity  or 
the  Cterectness  of  their  views.     You  must  indeed  h«v«  held 
thej^m  disrepute  and  utter  contempt,  as  men  without  integrity, 
without  honor,  and  without  correct  views  of  political  measures 
or  you  must  have  discarded  Washington  himself,  and  consider- 
«;d  him  as  no  longer  entitled  to  your  confidence,  your  gratitude 
or  your  respect.  "«  b'^«"uac 

The  authors  of  the  present  .policy  and  its  advocates,  will  at- 
bel' Uy'"r^''  T"^""''  themselves  of  the  imputation  of  having 
been  the  poht.cal  enemies  of  Washington  and  instrumental  in 
subverting  his  policy  and  discarding  his  councils.  Do  trey  ex! 
pect  It  by  saying  their  political  prejudices  originated  under  the 
administration  of  Mr.  Adams  ?  But  Washington  has  pub^y  fn! 
uounced  to  them  and  to  the  world,  that  he  most  cordi^Sly  app'ot 

ofMrAdri.''1'"-v^*"^ 

ot  Mr.  Adams, admimatration,  and  declared  that,  in  his  o«mm„ 

they  ought  to  inspire  universal  confidence.     Dk^  d  tl"  wi  d2 

the  record  of  your  memory;  and  to  be  consistent  with  yourselv^! 
you  must  be  forced  to  do  it ;  and  tell  tlie  world,  that  fX^s 
lost  your  confidence,  by  the  vices  and  errors  of  their  politicrcoT 
duct,  durmg  the  presidency  of  Mr.  Adams.    In  what'd  d  th  i   v  ' 
cos  and  errors  consist  ?  They  imposed  taxes  which  we  e  bu  del' 
some  to  the  people,  and  you  then  said  they  ^^  nnneeessarv 
But  suppose  they  were  ;  the  representatives  of  a  mlS  2' 
thought  otherwise.    You  displaced  them  and  havTLtZutS 
new  men  called  rei^ublicans,  who  have  intioduced  differenfre! 
sures^d  a  new  o..er.f  things.    Wnew:n::  ;^^^ 
without  measure,  and  it  may  almost  be.said  without  murar     Y^ 
say  It  ,.s  necess^ry^the  minority  think  otherwise :  a^d  k  'can!!! 
be  concealed  at  this  time,  that  even  a  majority  of  the  elelra^ 
ofthat  opinion,  although  they  may  not  o^y  Jew  S  "^ -u! 
republican  rul^rsthcmselvesacknowledgLhatthevWi^^^^^^ 
ii^en  unfortunate  m  their  policy,  but  ii^kt  that,if  they  have  ^l! 


6.\ 


le  vtho  ffnt 
iiUi  federal 
irevilers  of 
t  insidious 
yi  you  cer- 
integrity  or 
have  held 
t  integrity, 
measures, 
i  consider- 
r  gratitude 

8.  win  at- 

of  having 
imental  in 
>  they  ex- 
under  the 
uWicIy  an- 
ly  approv- 
cal)  theni^ 
is  opinion, 
te  wisdom 
5ver  from 
ourselves 
ederalists 
kjcal  con- 
1  their  vi-, 
e  burden- 
te^essary, 
>rity  then 
itnoduced 
ent  mea- 
e  people 
^f.    You 
t  cannot 
:torsare, 
and  our   v 
)  indeed 


mittcd  errors,  they  litve  been  hmest  ones  ;  and  above  sAl  evils 
warn  you  against  that  of  coniiding  your  intiluMHt  coiiceros  to  itw- 
ni  men.    Th*y  remind  you  of  Hut  sedition  act,  which  in  contempt 
of  Its  authors,  has  been  called  the  gag-law;  and  this  ought  ngt 
to  be  passed  over  in  silence.    1  of  ki  no  otic  meastire  have  |hc 
viaM^a  and  principles  of  federalists  been  more  perverted  than  in 
the  construction  of  this  law  i  and  the  eAect  of  th»t  perversion  bus 
been  extensive  and  fatal.    This  was  said  to  have  for  lU  object  the 
abridgement  of  the  liberty  of  speech  and  of  the  press ;  and  every 
attempt  to  execute  it,  was  considered  as  proof  of  a  disposition  in- 
0uenced  by  the  principles  of  despotic  power.     Th^  ©tect<M's  were 
told  by  their  republican  leaders,  that  the  object  of  that  law  was  t<> 
prevent  the  pcuj.'..  *'»om  exposing  the  vices  and  errors  either 
rulers.    Barefaced  as  vhis  falsehood  is,  it  was,  and  even,  to  this 
day  is  believed  by  thousands  of  honest  freemen,  who  never  had 
any  knowledge  of  the  law  or  its  object,  but  what  they  have  deriv- 
ed ftomibose,  whose  political  efforts  were  made  only  tp  betray, 
mislead  and  excite  ill  founded  jealousies,  and  thereby  elevat«i 
themaOlves  to  power.    The  object  of  the  act  of  congress,  called 
the  sedition  act,  was  so  fer  from  abridging  the  liberty  of  speet^li 
and  of  the  press,  tbkt  express  provision  was  made  in  the  apt,  tisft 
if  any  person  should  be  prosecuted  for  writing  or  p\^blishing 
any  libel  agairist  the  goverracnt,  it  should  be  lawful  for  the 
perscn  who  was  so  prosecuted,  upon  trial  of  the  cause.,  to  give 
in  evidence,  m  bis  defence,  the  truth  of  the  matt^jr  cont»in«d  in 
the  pubUcation,  charged  is  a  libel :  And  the  jury  who  should  try 
the  cause,  had  a  right  to  detfcrmine  the  law  and  the  fact,  under  tbe 
direction  of  the  court,  as  in  other  cases.    The  act  made  it  crimi- 
nal to  publish  any  f^lse,  scandalous,  ar,d  malicious  writing  agajast 
the  government  for  the  purpose  of  destroying  th^  confidence  of 
the  people  in  their  rulers :  and  of  bringing  them  into  disrepute 
and  contempt ;  but  prevented  no  one  from  speaking,  writing  and 
publishing  the  truth.    Since  Mr.  Jefferson  came  ii^to  office,  that 
law  has  not  been  in  force ;  but  the  old  common  la>y  principle  h;^s 
been  adopted  in  prosecutions  for  libels  against  the  fsmvmxs6pt 
whkh  makes  it  criminal  to  livrite  or  publisli  any  tluiig  wMch  4)%\l 
tend  to  bring  the  government  into  discredit  and  disrepute,  how- 
ever  true  the  &Ctstnaybe,  that  are  thus  written  and  published. 
Undtr  the  s«dlti«i  act,  the  citizens  had  perfect  liberty  to  write  or 


1 


.*•■ 


11 


Plf 


6S 

imbltsh  the  truth  respeciing  their  rulers  ;  bul  to  do  the  simc  M^ 
by  the  common  law,  which  is  the  only  rub  in  such  cases,  i«  crim- 
inal, and  exposes  those  who  shall  do  it,  to  punishment.  Had  the 
electors  examined  the  nature  and  object  of  this  law  before  they 
bad  condemned  it,  it  would  have  bad  no  efTect  in  esciiing  prejudi- 
ces against  it*  authors ;  and  this  may  be  said  wUh  tfuth,  rcapect- 
ing  ail  the  measures  of  the  federal  adn^inistratlon. 

U  is  evident  the  people  of  this  country  did  not  duly  consider 
the  importance  of  malting  every  effort  to  guard  against  th* 
evil*  of  party  diatensions  in  the  infancy  of  our  republic.    They 
<^id  not  wisely  wcJRh  the  consequences  of  creating  against  any 
considerable  portion  of  their  fellow-citiiens,  prejudices,  wliicU 
ji^gjjt  be  imei-minable  in  their  duration  and  fatal  in  their  effect*. 
Sinc»  the  dominion  of  party  spirit  corarocnced  hi  progress 
over  the  minds  of  the  republicans,  they  have  been  apprehensive 
©f  no  danger  but  what  resulted  from  the  possibility  that  the  per- 
secuted federalists  might  eventually  prevail  in  the  councils  of 
the  nation.     Never  was  tl>«  world  cursed  with  a  more  fatal  or 
more  mysterious  delusion  than  that  which  has  prevailed  in  tliis 
enlightened  republic,  within  the  last  25  years.    And  this  has 
been  the  result  of  the  abuse  of  that  great  bulwark  of  our  liberty, 
the  freedom  of  speech  and  of  the  press.    The  most  important 
lacts  relating  to  our  national  concerns  have  been  cither  conceal- 
ed, misconstrued  or  misrepresented.    The  people  were  at  liber- 
ty to  place  their  confidence  in  such  men  as  they  chose.     They 
bave  placed,  it  is  to  be  feared,  a  blind  confidence  in  certain  fa- 
vorites who  have  deceived  them,  and  who  still  have  an  interest 
in  continuing  the  delusion.    In  the  Brst  slumber*  of  the  revolu- 
tion, the  minds  of  the  people  seem  to  have  been  prepared  for 
the  reception  of  that  fatal  system  of  delusion  and  falsehood, 
-which  at  that  time  was  cunningly  devised.    When  our  goverhr- 
ment  first  went  into  operadon,  a  general  sentiment  inspired  om 
citizens  wi!^*  an  unconquerable  attachtncnt  to  an  elective  go- 
vernment, and  an  abhorrence  of  monarthy  equally  strong.    The 
few  individuals  who  opposed  the  revolution  were  called  tories, 
were  held  in  contempt  and  considered  by  the  great  body  of  the 
people  as  traitors  and  enemies  to  their  co«ntry. 

The  war  whiqh  terminated  in  1783  had  left  also  in  the  bosoms 
of  Americans  a  strong  attachment  to  France :  the  services  which 
had  been  rendered  us  by  that  cauntry  in  ©ar  rcvolutienary 

i 


same  DctiR^ 
ea,»crim- 
Htd  the 
before  they 
ng  prejudi- 
:h,  rcBpcct- 

\f  consider 
LgAtnst  the 
lie.    They 
igainst  any 
ices,  vrhicU 
leir  effect*. 
i  progress 
prehensive 
aat  the  per- 
councUs  of 
ore  fatal  or 
tiled  in  tills 
nd  this  has 
our  liberty, 
;  importaht 
er  conceal- 
ere  at  libei''- 
ose.    They 
k  certain  (a-    :^ 
:  an  interest 
the  revolu- 
repared  for 
1  falsehood, 
our  goverft- 
nspired  otur 
Elective  go- 
rong.    The 
illed  toriesj 
body  of  the 

the  bosoms 
■vices  whi<:h 
sTOlutienary 


.    '',    .       .:'   .    S3-.         '■ 

struggle  were  fresh  in  our  I'ecollection,  an^  inspired  our  citt 
sens  with  sentiments  of  affection  and  gratitude. 

But  there  was  a  difference  of  opinion  respecting  the  influence 
which  ought  to  be  allowed  to  those  scniimentfc  over  the  pol«"- 
.cal  conduct  of  the  nation.  With  such  evident  sentimenu  olf 
partiality  to  France  and  such  deep-rooted  enmity  lo  Great.Brl- 
iain,  it  required  all  the  energy  at^d  wisdom  of  the  adminisira- 
tion  to  prevent  the  nation  from  inconsiderately  precipit^iof 
itself  into  the  war  which  had  broken  out  between  those  two 

powers. 

Ill  such  a  s  ate  of  the  public  mind,  the  ingenuity  of  man  could 
not  have  invented  a  more  effectual  and  Iktal  excitement  of  the 
prejudices  and  the  malignant  passiohs  against  any  of  our  citi- 
zens than  by  inducing  the  people  to  believe  that  they  were  mo- 
narchisisjaod  had  a  predilection  f9r  the  British  gotcrnment. 

Soon  after  the  organization  of  the  governtnenti  it  was  found 
that  the  opposers  of  the  administration  were  disposed  in  our 
commercial  regulations,  to  make  discriminations  befween  France 
and  Great  Britain  in  favor  of  the  former  ;  while  the  v^hole  ea- 
binet  council  except  Mr.  Jefferson  ;  an*  also  a  great  major^y 
of  congress  were  of  the  opinion,  that  no  such  discrimination 
ought  to  be  made—"  that  trade  ought  to  be  guided  by  the  judg- 
ment of  individuals"— and  that  it  was  our  duty  as  a  w»«»  people 
to  adopt  the  maxim  that  vrith  respect  toother  nations,  we  ouglit 
« in  war  only  to  be  enemies,  In  peace,  friends.'*    Happily  sepa- 
rated as  we  are  from  the  belligerents  of  Europe,  by  a  wide 
ocean,  and  having  established  a  government  on  principles  en- 
tirely different  from  theirs,  and  peculiar  to  our  own  modes  and 
habits  of  thinking  and  acting,  it  was  thought  that  no  considera- 
"tion  either  of  duty  or  interest  would  require  us  to  pursue  any 
measure,  which  should  have  a  tendency  to  «  entangle  our  peace 
and  prosperity  in  the  toils  of  European  arabltion--rivai8faip--ii|. 
terest — humor  or  caprice."  ti  "'  ' 

Such  were  the  views  of  the  administration,  witii  rttspect  to 
our  relations  with  Great  Britain  and  France,  when  the  war  be- 
tween those  powers  commenced.  Those  men,  therefore,  who 
had  been  for  a  discrimination  in  favor  of  France,  were  of  tne 
Opinion  ♦ftftt  such  were  bur  oWigaiions  to  that  counti7»  we  oouid 
^ot  be  justiaed  in  taking  a  neutral  .position.    But  subsequent 


I 

I 


I 


?rir' 


,  h 


W 


*4 

i 

•vcnuhavc  taught  us,  bow  highly  w«  ought  to  appreciate  thit 
policy  which  saved  us  from  the  wi">teh«d  cot^itkm,  in  which 
«t  jpust  irtevUabiy  have  been  Involved  by  an  aJlianee  vith 
lliihce,  at  that  time;  or  by  granting  to  her  thoao  favors  for 
*6ieh  the  opposition  contended.  Yet  no  sooner  was  it  knoi(fn 
tlnyt  Uie  administration  had  determww.d  on  ft  nettirai  poaitM|Pt 
•|m4.  the  president  had  issued  his  proclaraation  of  neutrality  j 
thaa,  they  were  denounced  as  the  enemies  of  republican  liberty 
—the  friends  of  monarchy  and  the  obseqttious  devotees  and  das- 
tardly hirelings  of  despotism. 

It  is  evident  that  no  m«aaurp,could  have  contributed  more  to 
oi»r  national  prosperity  than  that  neutral  policy,  to  which  the 
federal  administrsition  ever  inflexibly  adhered.  Yet  this  mea- 
sure, as  weH  as  every  effort  mpde  by  the  administration  of  Wash- 
ington) to  save  us  from  the  horren  «rf  a  foreign  war,  were  re- 
presented as  the  effect  of  a,crimioai  attachment  to  Great  Bri- 
lain,  and  ungratcfulhosuHly  to  France. 

jDuting  the  administration  of  Mr.  Adi^ma,  the  French  wUh- 
out  any  pietext  of  right  but  what  they  derived  froiw  their  des- 
potic powe*-,  kidiseriminately  captured  and  destroyed  our  ves- 
sels, and  would  not  even  condesicend  to  treat  with  wsr  unless 
we  would  first  pny  them  tribute  money,,  for  the.  privilege 
IiUmUy  reqi; eating  them  to  d«»i^  from  plundering  our  defeu- 
Jess  commerte,  and,  tt/add  infult  U>  injury ;  ordered  Mr.,Pink- 
lasy,  our  lAinistor  then  in  Paris,  to  depart  from  that  city,  in 
fOsTty  eight  hours.  This  was  tantamount  to  a  declaration  of 
war  }  and  io  defend  ourselves  against  tlicir  aggressions,  and  to 
redress  our  wrongs,  a  few  troops  were  raised.  The  extraordi- 
nary expense,  which  this  measure  rendered  indispensable,  was. 
represented  by  the  denoocrauc  party  as  unnecessary  and  oppre»»' 
awe ;  and  our  differences  with  France  at  that  time,  which  gate 
rise  to  i,  were  ascribed  to  an  undoe  attachment  to  Groat  B|i- 
tsan,and  a  disposition  hostile  to  France  and  to  republican  liberty. 
The  views  which  Washington  had,  at  thai  time.,  of  the  war  wit^ 
France  are  stated  in  liis  fetter*  to  Mr.  Adams,  on  his  aecep- 
tance  of  the  appointment  of  commander  in  chief  of  the 
armies.  It  will  be  fognd  by  an  examination  of  this  subject, 
that  our  differences  with  France  at  4hat  time,  and  the  evils 

•  Sec  his  letter  page  43 


:-4|ff!lW*' 


1^** 


■-T^. 


6* 


ill  which 
aoce  with 
favors  for 

U  Known 

teutrality } 

»  and  dM- 

d  more  to 
vrliich  the 
this  mea- 
I  of  Wash- 
were  re- 
treat Bri- 

Qch  with- 
their  dcs- 
our  ves- 
;;S;  unie&f 
vllege  ^ 
r  defeo*  ;- 
Mr.,P^nk- 
atcit]r,  in 
^ration  of 
IS,  and  to 
BKtraordit- 
&able,  wa^ 
>d  oppres' 
lich  gare 
Qreat  Bii- 
\m  libeny. 
iwar  wit^ 
rtis  aecep- 
9I  of  the 
ia  i$ub]«ct« 
the  eviU 


which  resulted  from  them,  may  be  rjcribed  to  the  confidence   • 
which  the  French  had,  in  the  aid  ihey  expected  to  derirc  from 
theie- party  in  this  country,  which  was  oi^osed  to  the  adminis* 
tration,  and  to  the  neutral  policy  which  it  bad  endeavored  to 
maintain.* 

It  is  a  truth  which  cannot  be  concealed,  that  ever  since  ^e 
Arst  organiaatioq  of  the  govcrnm  nt,  the  opposcrs  of  fedeml 
men  and  measures,  have  been  disposed  to  palliate  the  injuriia 
which  have  been  inflicted  upon  us  by  the  French,  while  iMf 
have  cx%fpg*rtned  those  of  the  British  beyond  the  bounds  qf  rea- 
8<m  and  truth. 

The  efibrts  of  both  Washington's  uid  Adams*  administration 
were  exerted  to  counteract  the  effect  of  this  unwise  dispcMition,  . 
tending  in  its  consequences  to  embroil  us  in  foreign  contests, 
and  to  defeat  the  great  objects  of  that  system  of  neutral  policyi 
which  they  had  adopted  and  were  determined  to  support.  Yet 
every  effort  that  has  been  made  for  this  purpose,  has  been  repre- 
sented as  the  effect  of  fi  dangerous  British  influence  in  the  coun- 
cils of  the  nation. 

In  the  vast  and  complicated  system  of  delusion,  of  intrigt|0 
and  of  falsehood,  by  which  the  men  in  power  have  gained  their 
ascendency,  and  created  those   inveterate  prejudices  ag^nst 
federal  men,  the  imputation  of  British  influence  among   them, 
has  had  no  unimportant  effect.    That  allegation  brought  against 
the  federalists,  with  such  bare-faced  impudence  and  supported 
with  such  persevering  obstinacy,  however  glaring  and  improb- 
able the  falsehood,  hfvsbeen  attended  with  effects  pernicious 
in  the  extreme.     Like  the  pestilential  i.iists  of  Hades,  it  has 
blighted  into  deformity  that  which  was  beauteous;  it  has  darken- 
ed the  prospects,  and  prostrated  the  energies  of  our  once  Bippf 
country.    It  had  been  the  firm  resolution  of  the  federal  admin- 
istration not  to  involve  us  in  a  war  with  either  of  the  belliger- 
ents, until   ail  hope  of  reconcilirnf  any  differences,  which  might 

exist  had  failed.  ,   . 

.With  such  views  the  administration  under  Ms-  Adams,  did 
not  commence  hostile  operations  against  France,  until  that  gov- 
ernment had  ordered  our  minister  to  depart  from  t,hat  counny, 
under  circumsunces  highly  insuldng  to  the  dignity  of  ourgov- 
ei-nment. 

•  Set  Wa^hlnytoa's  lette?  to  Charles  Carrol,  p  ♦*- 

I         ■ 


I 


6(r 


.  '\ 


?...-^ 


•vv 


\jiis3^■ 


-,*.    tCfJ 


■  '■>• 


M 


,i^^ 


1^ 


"throu'^h  the  whole  t^rm  of  Washington's  admini»tratioi>i 
f  ranee  by  her  ministers  and  agents  in  this  country  had  been 
indefatigable  in  her  efforts  to  influence  our  government  to  a*>pt 
a  system  of  policy  partial  to  her  interests.  And  after  the  war  had 
broken  out  between  that  country  and  Great  Britain,  Mr.  Genet 
i^  French  minister,  aoon  after  his  arrival  in  the  United  States 
jWnced  his  determination  to  treat  this  country,  as  one  which  was 
in  alliance  with  his  own,  and  thereby  virtually  involve  us  in  their 
contest  with  Great  Britain. 

Immediately  after  his  arrival,  even  before  being  recognized 
ly  our  gcvernment  as  the  French  minister,  «  he  undertook  to 
authorize  the  fitting  and  arming  vessels  in  our  ports,  enlisting 
jnen,  and  giving  commissions  to  cruise,  and  commit  hostilities  on 
nations  with  whom  the  United  States  were  at  peace."  About 
this  time  an  event  took  place  that  places  on  the  record  of  ouv 
history  the  most  conclusive  evidence  of  the  falsehood  of  the  aaseiv 
tion  that  the  federal  administration  have  been  influenced  by  mo- 
tives partial  to  the  interest  of  Great  Britain,  and  of  their  fixed 
determination  to  adhere  to  that  neutval  policy  which  they  con- 
sidcrcd  as  the  surest  pledge  of  our  future  peace  and  prosperity. 

A  British  merchantman  called  the  Little  Sarah,  had  been 
captured  by  a  French  frigate  and  brought  into  the  port  of  Phil- 
adelphia where  she  had  been  armed  and  equipped  as  a  piivateer. 
Being  completely  i»med  and  manned,  partly  by  Americans) sh* 

Zas  a^out  to  sail  on  a  cruize  under  the  name  of  La  Petit  Demo- 
v.'at.  In  pursuance  of  the  regulations  which  had  been  made  by 
the  President  to  prevent  the  fitting  out  armed  vessels  in  our 
ports,  Mr.  Secretary  Dallas  was  sent  to  prevail  on  Mr.  Genet  to 
desist  from  such  a  proceeding,  and  thereby  prevent  the  employ- 
mcntof  force  to  compel  an  acquiescence  in  our  fiyed  regulations. 
On  receiving  the  ssage  he  ptreraptorily  refused  a  compli- 
ance with  the  requisition  ;  and  said  that  if  any  attempt  was  made 
to  seiije  the  vessel,  bhe  would  unquestionably  repel  force  by 
'force.  In  consequence  of  this  positive  refuiiul  to  comply,  a  suf- 
ficient  portion  of  the  rpilitia  were  ordered  out  by  the  governor  for 
Ihe  purpose  of  taking  possession  of  the  vessel ;  and  the  case 
was  communicated  by  him  to  the  executive.  The  next  day 
Mr.  Jefferson  waited  on  Mr.  Genet,  in  the  hope  of  prevail!  .g 
on  him,  if  not  to  desist  entirely,  from  the  prosecution  of  his  at- 
tempt, at  least  to  defer  it  till  the  arrival  of  the  President,  who 
was  then  at  Momu  Vernon.    After  mu«h  outrageous  andabusive 


it^iiS'  it-'i: 


.  'rt 


*Wt 


T't  -jis; 


^^^j-,;;#- 


**«^,;|j^feV^*#t^,, 


•!fe; 


*' 


:«' 


vi^«; 


.^j^.jrir. 


■n""*.*^- 


mistratioDi 
had  been 
nt  to  adopt 
he  war  had 
Mr.  Genet 
itcd  States 
which  was 
us  in  their 

recognized 
dertook  to 
,  enlisting 
Qstirttisson 
!."  About 
3rd  of  onv 
fths  aaseiv 
ced  by  mo- 
th eir  fixed 
they  con- 
proaperity. 
,  had  been 
ort  of  Phil* 
a  prtvi^er. 
:rtcanS)S)i« 
*etit  Deuao- 
;n  made  by 
eb  in  our 
r.  Genet  to 
he  emplof- 
eguiations. 

a  corapli- 
>t  was  made 
il  force  by 
iply,  a  suf- 
;overnor  for 
i  the  case 
e   next  day 

prevaill  .g 
m  of  his  at- 
tident.  who 
and  abusive 


67 

ianouage,  he  concluded  by  making  some  remarks  "i«*^^ S*^*' 
Slefferson  an  impression,  that  U.e  vessel  -u)  -t  -l^- 
^il  the  arrival  of  the  President.  This  mterview  v'^h^r  Genet 
he  imparted  to  governor  Miftin.in  consequence  of  wh.ch  he  d»s. 

"^r  X^J;:-ding  the  l^vorable  hopes  ^^^^^ 
that  had  been  excited,  the  Little  Democrat  sailed  before  the  ar 
rb  I  of  the  President,  and  before  the  government^ould  mtei- 
;:  its  authority,  ana  in  contempt  of  our  ^-^' /-^f^J^J", 
her  cruize.    The  President  immediately  arrived  and  .onvened 
h  s  cal"    and  while  they  were  deliberating  on  -easurea  pro- 
per to  b.  taken  relating  to  the  Little  Democrat,  they  had  deter- 
So  dtoetain  in  port  all  vessel,  equipt  as  privateers,  wUhm  * 
r  errLries  by  any  of  the  belligerent  ^TJ  W  ""  M  Uh 
.Hipsenumerated^.be-^^^^^^^^ 

r:n^rr;trsrd^  . 

Uiatshe  had  considerably  increased  her  armament,  by  replacing 
odeun  carriages  with  new  ones,  and  opemng  two  new  port 
?olX  The  British  minister  requested  that  these  aUeraUons 
^t  h  be  allowed  to  remain.  But  his  request  was  peremptorily 
^ fe  ed '^^^^^^^  compliance  with  the  requisitions  of  the  govern- 
Ztrsh;  was  restored  precisely  to  the  condition  m  which  she 

'That  ^d  o'^r  government,  wh.n  administered  by  federal  men, 
IhuscUQou  B  minister  of  France  insulted 

tXr-'u?^  "'".».»..  .na  .he  rnaje.,  ot  .he  people : 

nlne^W  Ve...dea,mce,  our  laws  and  regulauons,  w..h  .».- 

•f     The  rutera  of  F  «.c.  have  aince  been  changed,  hut 

pumty.    The  ™"»  °'  J        ^  ^  j,^  been  .he  alttiomeot  of 

their  lioUcy  »nd  .'I"";  °'')'"'  ''^""  ^^^^d.    The  aame  poli- 

""'rir'r:ir»r;nT:ara%«.u„,p.u>n,  which 

cy,  the  «^mc  """""^^en.,  whe.her  administered  b,  ana- 
Uor.r:.  o^    ra Cslr  c'ahine.,  has  marked  its  pro«re« 

?««.".  rXn^of  the  «nfor.un...  Lo»i..  "  "»'  »'  •'••"■f""^ 
J;:::"*;:Lrha.thea..«:h..«ofrnan^ 

onvertnnent  and  open  the  way  to  universal  a^m 


/ 


i\.r.' 


•V 


»,' 


r 


l:-'': 


.  i' 


m 


6« 

titipute  and  who  would  perpetuate  the  universal  dominion  of  re- 
|>ublican  liberty,  not  be  disappointed. 

But  it  ever  has  been  found  and  it  is  believed,  that  experience, 
always  will  teach  mankind,  that,  although  by  courage  they  may 
purchase  liberty,  yet  without  wisdom  and  virtue,  its  duration 
cannot  be  perpetual. 

But  has  wisdom,  has  virtue  marked  the  course  and  progress 
of  our  republic  thus  far  ?  Are  our  liberties  secure,  because  we 
iwssess  the  power  of  remaining  free  ?  So  thought  Greece  ;  but 
where  are  her  libertiei  now  ?    The   Romans  also  might  have 
been  free  :  but  where  are  they  ?  'their  freedom  too,  has  perish- 
ed— Frenchmen  thought  they  were  free,  and  that  their  liber- 
ties wpve  immortal :  but  where  are  they  ?  ask  Napoleon  :  and 
he  too  is  a  republican  !  and  once  possessed  the  power  of  ma- 
king millions  free.    Ask  Frenchmen:  they  will  tell  you,  that 
they  have  been  rqled  by  successive  factions,  until  the  last  more 
powerful  than  the  rest,  triumphed  by  the  sword.    And  do  you, 
my  fellow-citizens,  believe,  that  your  republican  liberties  arc 
secure,  becausu  there  is  wisdom  and  virtue  among  the  people  ? 
But  have  our  wisest  and  best  citizens,  always  directed  the  des- 
tinies of  our  country?  it  will  be  acknowledged  they  have  not. 

And  it  is  said,  that  in  a  free  republic,  where  all  enjoy  equal 
yights,  those  who  are  less  wisi*  and  virtuous  than  others,  ought 
isometiraes  to  participate  in  the  exercise  of  the  sovereign  pow- 
tr  i  and  should  any  evil  result  from  a  weak  or  vicious  adminis- 
tration, we  may  always  find  a  renjedy,  in  the  good  sense  of  the 
fiation.    But  suppose  the  majority  of  the  people  are  under  the 
absolute  dominion    of  passion  and  prejudice:    neither  good 
sense,  nor  eyep  common  sense  can  prevail — neither  can  the 
voice  of  truth  oi^  reason  be  heard.     While  parties  exist,  the 
V  majority  will  contend  that  their  voice  is  the  good  sense  pf  the 
,;   pation.     The  Romans  boasted  of  their  liberties,  while  they  suf- 
^red  under  the  despotism  of  the  most  despicable  tyrants,  that 
ever  cursed  the  condition  of  man.     And  Cicero  himself,  with  all 
\   his  boasted  talents  and  good  sense,  pleased  the  Roman  people 
by  telling  them  only  six  months  before  Octavius  overturned  the 
^mnaonwealth,  «♦  that  it  was  not  possible  for  the  people  of  Rome 
to  be  slaves,  whom  the  gods  had  destined  to  tbe  command  of 
l^ll  nations.'*  * 

*    %  taking  a  review  of  the  history  of  our  republic,  it  will  ea- 
sily be  seen  whether  the  wisdom,  the  virtue,  or  good  sense  of 
,'  tbe  nation  has  prevailed  thus  far  over  tcWv.  virs  snA  ^-„~a-*~ 


h  S*»*i|  4 


69 


but 


Some  evidence  has  been  adduced  in  the  preceding  pages,  lo 
show  that  the  charge  of  British  influence  against  federalists  is 
false  and  absurd.    For  proof  of  this,  it  might  have  been  sufficient 
to  appeal  to  the  common  sense  and  reason  of  mankind.    That 
the  very  men,  who  achieved  our  independence,  and  who,  in  tli» 
acquisition  of  it,  had  patiently  endured  the  privations  and  suf- 
ferings of  a  long  and  bloody  conflict— who  had  also  made  eve- 
ry efi'ort  in  their  power,  to  form  a  constitution  of  civil  govern- 
ment, agreeable  to  their  own  views  and  wishes,  and  which  was 
itself  the  surest  pledge  for  the  security  of  their  dearest  rights  ;, 
and  those  of  their  posterity  :   that  these  men  should,  without 
any  discoverable  motives,  at  once  lose  their  attachment  to  those 
principles,  which  they  had  so  strenuously  labored  to  defend, 
and  become  the  devoted  partizans  of  that  monarchy  from  which 
they  had  solemnly  absolved  themselves,  is  contrary  to  the  plam- 
est  dictates  of  reason  and  cou  aon  sense.    And  yet  thousands 
of  our  honest  citizens  have  believed,  and  even  yet  believe  it  to 

be  true. 

But  in  this  monstrous  tissue  of  deception  and  absurdity,  who 
are  the  witnesses  ?  The  very  men  who  bring  forward  the  accu- 
aation  ;--and  it  is  evident,  from  subsequent  events,  that  those 
men  had  a  deep  interest  in  bringing  into  discredit,  those  they 
accused ;  that  they  might,  thereby  acquire  to  themselves,  the 
emoluments  of  office. 

You,  fellow^citizens,  who  have  believed,  that  federalists  were 
monarchists  and  British  partizans,  have  never  had  any  other 
evidence  of  the  fact,  than  that  which  ^ou  have  derived  from 
the  declarations  af  those  who  have  brought  forward  the  accu- 
sation.    Those  who  have  spread  ill  founded  jealousies  and  false 
alarms  against  the  federalists,  and  thereby  enkindled  the  flames 
of  civil  discord  among  the  people  to  elevate  themselves  to  pow- 
er, must  have  been  destitute  of  both  wisdom  and  virtue.    You, 
who  have  been  the  honest  and  unsuspecting  dupes  of  this  gross 
and  fatal  delusion,  are  indeed  the   subjects  of  compassion— 
And  it  is  to  you  that  we  would  most  cheerfully  lend  our  aid  m 
your  attempts  to  break  through  the  thick,  dark  cloud  of  error 
and  falsehood,  whieh  has  long  intercepted  yoor  view  of  the 
truth ;  and  which  even  now  threatens  with  destruction  your  feir- 
est  hopes  and  your  best  intt resta,  in  the  fina)  extermmauon  ftf 
republican  Ul»rty.  „ 


M 

■  f     "fit 

^      .   i 

i 

,) 


it" 


*J 


'J 


3 


^ 


"W 

i. 

%;  ■ 

X 

'       y  -       -'* 

_-/ 

''  ..^  -' 

.■*•.'  ■ 

,  f 

-  ■*.''^;" 

>   ■■ 

%   Cf.- 

( 

> 

V'-    \ 

,r 

:^% 


■l' 


*i' 


■     P_^ 


■  ■_  i^- . 


For  it  Is  on  you,  fellow-citizens,  that  we  rel;,  for  the  eleva- 
tion of  men  to  office,  who  possess  wisdom  and  virtue }  without 
which,  it  is  believed,  republican  liberty  cannot  be  long  perpe- 
tuated. 

And  can  you,  on  cxaminaiion  of  the  subject,  believe  that  it 
is  in  such,  men,  that  you  have  placed  your  confidence  and  con- 
fided the  destinies  of  your  country  ?    You   have  already  seen 
from  facts,  which  cannot  be  doubted  and  from  evidence  which 
is  irresistible,  that  the  men  to  whom,  by  your  suffrages,  you 
have  entrusted  the  sovereign  power,  have  grossly  deceived  and 
wiekedly  betrayed  you.    You  every  day  witness  the  evils,  which 
their  miserable  policy  has  inaicied  on  your  suffering,  bleeding 
country— You  see  your  government,  in  cons  quence  of  that 
'polky,  already  far  advanced  in  the  downward  road  of  fallen  re- 
publics.   And  can  you  yet  think  that  these  men  possess  that 
wisdom  and  virtue,  so  necessary  to  the  preservation  of  our 
safety,  and  the  perpetuity  of  our  civil  institutions  ?  You  must 
indignantly  answer,  No,  they  arc  not  enly  unworthy  of  our  con- 
fidence, but  they  merit  our  execration. 

^     That  one  half  of  our  citizens  should  array  themselves  against 
the  other,  and  with  the  most  inveterate  prejudices,  excited  by 
falsehoods  the  most  improbable  and  absurd,  and  should  reward 
the  authors  of  those  falsehoods  by  their  most  unbounded  confi- 
dence, in  bestowing  upon  them,  the  first  offices  of  responsibil;* 
ly  and   trust,  can  be  ascribed  to  nothing  but  the  power  of  a 
delusion,  the  most  myslerious  and  {lital.    Striking  is  this  delu. 
sion  in  its  resemblahcef  and  more  fatal  in  its  effects,  than  that 
whieh  doomed  to  an  ignomittious  death,  the  wretched  inhabit 
tants  of  Salem,  for  the  supposed  crime  of  witchcraft.    It  will 
'* ,'    doubtless  be  recollected  by  some  of  our  readers,  that  in  an  ear- 
l^s^ly- period  of  our  history,  some  of  the  good  people  of  Salem, 
i     ill  the  then  colony  of  Massachusetts,  discovered  that  that  town 
?■-*•' was  infested  with  witches—and  to  prove  it,  said  they  had  seen 
.-  ^  them,  and  suffered  by  their  witchcrafts. 

In  that  period  of  our  history  it  appears,  that  the  evidence  of 
the  accuser  was  admitted  as  competent  on  the  trial  of  these  un- 
lortuoate  victims  of  delusion  i  and  on  such  evidence  cwily,  great 
I'^-tiumber*  of  the  most  respectable  citizens  of  that  town  were  con- 


'■f-,  -vlli 


;.f .  ■*; . 


%gncd  to  death  for  the  supposed  crime  of  witchcraft.     But  so  of 
^ten  and  so  indiscriminately  were  these  strange  accusations  made, 
that  it  led  to  an  apprehension,  that,  ia  that  my8te;riou8  bMsineas, 


le  eleva- 

wlthout 

g  perpe- 

ire  that  it 
and  con- 
ady  sficn 
ce  which 
iges,  you 
eivcd  and 
ilsi  which 
bleeding 
e  of  that 
fallen  rc- 
sess  that 
)n  of  oui' 
JTou  must 
f  our  con- 
es against 
xcited  by 
Id  reward 
ded  confi- 
sponsibil:* 
3wer  of  a 
this  dplur 
than  that 
ed  inhabi'!'^ 
t.    It  will 
An  nnear- 
of  Salem, 
:  that  town 
y  had  seen 

svidencc  of 
f  these  un- 
wily,  great 
wfcre  con- 
But  60  of- 
Lions  madei 
la  bMsiness, 


there  miRht  be  «  something  rotten  in  the  state  of  D«nTnark  ;" 
and  on  a  review  of  the  origin  and  progress  of  that  event,  it  was 
found  that  noevidence  but  that  of  the  accuser  had  ever  been  ex- 
hibited against  the  unfortunate  victims  who  had  suffered,  and  that 
no  other  person  had  ever  seen  witches  in  Salem.    The  scales  fell 
from  the  eyes  of  the  judges,  the  people  were  enlightened,  and 
the  delusion  and  horrors  of  Salem  witchcraft  came  to  an  end. 
^Neither  has  any  other  evidence  ever  been  exhibited,  to  prdve  that 
"our  country  is  infested  with  monarchy -loving  federalists,  but  that  of 
those  by  v^hom  these  unfortunate  citizens  have  been  accus«J  ;  on 
the  evidence  of  those,  whom  subsequent  events  have  shewn,  had 
an  interest  in  denouncing  them :  neither  has  any  other  person 
ever^scovcred  them. 

I  would  not  be  thought  disposed  to  treat  the  great  conccm« 
which  relate  to  the  public  peace  and  welfare,  with  the  least  degree  . 
of  levity.  But  it  is  a  duty  which  we  owe  to  the  honor  of  our 
country,  andto  the  dictates  of  reason  and  truth,  to  expose  m  aU 
their  deformity,  the  absurd  falsehoods  of  those  who  have  distmct- 
edand  ruined  the  councils  c?  this  once  happy  republic,  by  th*  n-  x 
dicUlouB  story  of  British  influence. 

The  vices  and  errors  which  have  marked  the  course  of  our  re- 
public  thus  far,  must  be  abandoned,  or  we  are  lost.  If  we  disi-e- 
card  the  great  and  immutable  principles,  to  which  republics  ne- 
cessarily owe  their  exUtence,  and  duration,  we  cannot  expect  to 

nertjetuate  out*  own.  .    .  .   .        _ 

ifwas  an  unparalleled  display  of  wisdom  and  virtue  that  gave 
to  the  constituuon  of  our  republic,  its  existence  ;  and  when- 
ever that  wisdom  and  virtue  shall  become  extinct,  or  y»eW  their 
influence  to  the  dominion  of  vice  and  error,  the  ties  which  bmd 
that  constitution  to  the  affections  of  the  people  wt  mstantly  dis- 
solve and  anarchy  will  succeed,  and  despotism  Enally  triumph. 

U^^ZuoZ.rs.A  that  thus  far  we  have  travelled  step  by 
step  the  downward  opurse  of  fallen  republics.  To  the  tru^  ol 
this  let  history  attest.  No  repubUc  has  ever  fellen,  without  bemg 
first  torn  asunder  by  party  dissensions. 

Washington,  when  he  made  his  last,  address  to  h«  country  was 
deeply  impressed  with  this  truth,  and  warned  the  people  m  the 
most  solemn  manner,  against  the  baneful  effects  of  party  spmt. 
uTs  evident  he  had  seen  and  felt  the  mischiefs  t^sultmg  from 
party  dissensions,  when,  in  his  letter  to  Mr.  Jefferson,  wnttenfiv^ 
ycrrs  before,  he  remarked  that,  «  if  insWad  of  laying  our  shouU 


« 


I 


nS< 


7a 


■I 


i  -vi. 


.K"! 


fi 


ix  : 


«ters  to  the  machine  after  measures  are  decided  on.  one  pulls  thi* 
Wftjr,  and  another  that,  before  the  utility  of  the  thing  ib  tairif 
tried,  it  must  inevitably  be  torn  asunder  ;  and  in  my  opinion  the 
feirest  prospect  that  ever  was  presented  to  man,  will  be  lost  per- 
haps for  ever."*     Thus  it  is  that  the  adminisiration  is  enfeebled 
and  exposed  to  foreign  influence,  corruption,  and  eventual  ruin. 
When  a  party,  to  gain  popularity,  and  acquire  the  ascendency  in 
the  councils  of  the  nation,  have  arraigned  and  condemned   the 
measures  of  governnaent,  to  be  consistent  with  their  professions, 
after  they  have  succeeded  in  getting  the  power  of  the  state  into 
their  hands,  Uicy  must  change  the  policy  of  their  predecessors  i 
Thus,  before  the  utility  of  fcrmer  measures  are  fairly  tried,  and 
which  perhaps  have  been  adopted  at  gr^at  expense,  a  new  policy 
must  be  introduced,  equally  expensive,  and  uncertain  too  with 
respect  to  its  operation,  and  always  lis^ie  lo  be  ruined  in  its  very 
infancy.by  the  next  successful  faction,  which  is  continually  .ex- 
erting itself  to  defeat  its  operations.     Such  a  state  of  things  en- 
courages foreign  aggression,  insult  and  violence  :  and  in  the  event 
of  a  foreign  War,  one  party  will  always  be  charged  with  the  crime 
of  adhering  to  the  common  enemy  ;  and  if  accused  wrongtullyt 
they  will  be  impelled  by  a  just  sentiment  of  indignation  to  bring 
into  contempt  and  discredit  their  accusers  :  and  their  efforts  to 
effect  this,  if  their  numbers  are  considerable,  will  obstruct,  if  not 
entirely  defeat  the  operations  of  government  against  the  comnuMi 
enemy.     Such  events  have  ever  marked  the  course  of  fallen  Be» 
publics,  ,|ind  thus  far  have  marked  our  own. 

From  the  first  moment  our  government  went  into  operation* 
the  political  conduct  of  the  party  in  power,  has  throughout  been 
distinguished  by  one  prominent  feature  which  has  imposed  an  in- 
fluence, resistless  thus  far  in  its  progress,  and  fatal  to  tkc  peacei 
the  happiness,  and  glory  of  our  infant  republic. 

Those  who  have  directed  the  anti-fedcrul  administration,  have 
from  the  beginning  evinced  a  disposition  to  favor  the  views  of  the 
Trench  nation  against  her  enemies ;  to  justify  this  disposition 
they  have  sought  for  motives  in  considerations  of  gratitude  far 
Ircr  services  rendered  us  in  the  reyolutio  ..ry  war  :  in  a  union  of 
sentiments  and  pursuits,  between  that  country  and  '-u-  own,  and 
as  resulting  from  these,  a  just  and  internUnable  ho'<ilily  against 
Greet  Britain,  Iv  most  formidable  rivd.      j  * 

This  dispositni.  .he  federalists  never  have,i<^r  :.  ;tiement  irtdul- 

*  Sen  p^s^e  S"  -j^,; 


pose 


Pt^f^-^  Jff^>rd!l^^ 


~^: 


"  *--ije.*v-  -/ —  i*r 


i'f*>-*i«T.»- 


d:;. 


^'A 


,A.v 


<^i\ 


3;'.:5"<^. 


•^^ 


73 

«^,  but  ever  have,  and  wiii,  while  they  have  life  iffidf  Tcar-n,  ep* 
pose  by  all  lawful  means  within  Uieir  power. 

None  of  these  motives,  ought  to  influence  the  poh     al  viCWt 
of  an  American,  who  undersunds,  and  would  promote,  the  mte- 
r^oi  his  country.     What  debt  of  grat   ude  do  w     owe  to 
Frunce  I  She  offered  us  her  services  on  certain  sUpulation.  wi* 
Which  '^e  have  con.plied.     She  doubtless  wished  to  cripple  i^ 
power  of  Great  Britain,  by  lopping  off  from  her  empire  the  Ame- 
rican  colonies  ;  but  it  is  evident  by  her  interference,  .n  our  nego- 
^^,m.  with  that  country,  she  i    ended    v^  should  ''^  "  «;;-8»^ 
-  ihd  meddled  by  the  incision,  that  we  should  eventtK.lly  adhei^e  W 
lier  own.    She  had  an  interest  in  aU!  l>g  «»  ;  we  nev6r  uad,  kn4 
probably  never  shall,  have  any  interest  in  hatarding  o'^e**^*  «f 
Lfety,  in  her  contests  for  domin     ..     It  is  mdeed  folly  ior  .ny  na- 
tit  to Ixpectdtsinterested  favor. from  another.    «  ^''---^ 
n6'  greater  error  than  to  expect  or  calculate  upon  real  favors  from 
nation  to  natloi..     It  is  an  illusion  which  enperience  mustcuw* 

whtbtl  at  iu*t  prldi  ought  to  discard."* 

lehhir  do  the  iederalists  believe,  that  there  is  any  resetnblan^ 

between  the  |Ju.%uits  and  sentiments  of  Frenchmen,  anc.  those  of 
Americans,  or  any  o.her  nation,  who  have  ^2:^:^TZ 
al  liSerty.  Every  one  who  knows  any  thmg  ot  '^^  ^^^^/JJ^^^^^^ 
Luhtry,  well  knows,  that,  from  the  commencement  of  therr  t^ 
non/tothatof  the  imperial  dynasty,  successive  f^^^^^lJ^^ 
intrilcd  and  oppressed  the  people,  until  Napoleon  seued  th» 
throne  and  sceptre,  and  triumphed  by  the  sword.  _  ^ 

%c  therefore  can  have  no  motive,  from  constderations  of  nfk- 
paly  and  affection  for  France,  to  hate  Great  BrUam,  or  make  wj 
^  Z:  because  France  would  have  it  so.  A.k1  experience  hat 
ThtuMirfry  oTconsulting  the  views  of  a  foreign  despot, 
taunht  us  the  toiiy  o»  &  ^^uinir  war  oo  Great  Bntaini 

With  respect  to  the  expediency  of  makmg  war  on  « 

fAr  «.««.  than  a  year.:  and  no  sooner  bad  Ureat  oruam 
I     V    ,1  U  loM  bv  our  adminislTatioi.,  that  if  she  w.H  do  w 

tiui:-  -:^"  t-  »'"»*"'"^  -"'  """'^ "'" ""  ■"" 


'  •  8ee  Washiiigtoa's  FareweU  Address. 


-'«■ 


1>-*' 


~"i- 


^.A 


*.   ^i 


^\| 


74 


:.^V. 


/ 


^f- 


a 


s:.' 


%■■- 


TV, 


iviUi  her  against  Great  Britain.  This  looks  like  French  influ- 
ence !  The  plain  language  of  that  shameful  business  is  this.  If 
France  will  permit  us  to  enjoy  cjr  neutral  rights,  we  will,  sub- 
mit to  a  much  greater  evil,  by  involving  ourselves  in  a  war  witk 
England.  You  may  talk  vi  the  abuses  of  British  power,  as  long» 
and  as  loud  as  you  please,  they  never  will  surrender  their  raarl- 

j^e  riglits  10  an  administration  wbichi  are  the  most  devoted  said 

^^tervilc  partizans  of  her  enemy. 

Thpe  is  foreign  influence  in  the  councils  (>f  the  naUon^  btit  \\ 
is  purely  French,  and  ever  ha^  been.  There  never  was  through 
the  whole  course  of  the  federal  administration,  a  single  measure, 
which  was  in  any  degree  eontrouled  or  effected  by  British  in- 
fluence. The  policy  which  Washington  and  his  political  friends 
Ikad  marked  out,  waa  intended  to  exclude  foreign  uifiuence,  en- 
tirely from  the  councils  of  the  nation,  as  one  of  the  most  fatal 

.  foes  of  republican  liberty.     And  with  these  views,  they  had  wisely 

.^i^opted  that  system  of  neutrality,  which,  has  perhaps  been  pro- 
%  }iluctive  of  more  blessings  to  the  United  States,  than  any  one  mea- 
sure uuce  thJorganization  of  our  government.     Vet  every  effort 
t^  carry  this  system  into  effect,  has  been  ascribed  to  British  inr 
fiuence^ 

Ji  is  a  truth,  which  the  history  of  our  political  state  will  dfas- 
ly^demonstrate,  that  ever  since*  the  commencement  of  the  war  be- 
tween Great  Britain  and  France,  the  republican  party,  at  least  the 
mfQst  iulluential  und  active  leaders,  have  evinced  by  their  political 
conduct,  a  disposition  to  entangle  us  in  an  alliance  with  Fra  ^, 

Excessive  hatred  to  Great  Britain,  and  partiality  for  France, 
futs  been  tlie  most  in'omiooit  feature,  in  the  republican  adminis- 
tration. While  the  blood  of  the  best  citizens  in  France  was  sa? 
criiiced  to  the  rage  of  an  infuriated  mob,  our  republicans  were 
celebrating  her  victories,  and  cxulti.^j  in  her  emancipation  from 

i^thc  tyranny  of  kings.*     She  was  represented  as  the  great  natioa 

X;.  '•  On  the  first  day  of  May  1795,  tit  a  civic  feast  in  Pluladtl]phia,  which 
%««  attended  by  a  great  number  of  American  citizens,  to  celebrate  the  vie- 
tories  ct  Fiance^  and  whicii  was  lionourcd  by  the  presence  of  the  Minisiter 
and' Consul  ofihe  French  Hepnblic,  and  the  Consul  oiHoll.md  tlien  subdued 
by  the  amis  of  Fi-ance  r  tl»e  follo\ting'  tousts  among  others  were  given,  which , 
will  fiirivish  a  just  idea  of  ilje  prevailing  spirit  of  those  times.  ,      . 

The  Repmblk  of  FroMce— May  the  shores  of  Gi-eat-Britaiii  goon  bail  the 
trl-colotired  standard,  and  tlie  people  rend  the  air  with  siiouts  long  live  the 
r^iibiie. 

Ting  slwws  thjit  the  rbject  of  French  and  American  rep^iblieans  at  that 
^    tijtoeWas,  the  conques'/oltiieai-Bntam  :  thatobjccthus  not  been  abandoned- 

TU  ItepiMQ  of  /!r««cff— May  all  |i,cs  uatjous  kaiu  of  her  to  transfer 


«,W 


'J*- 


ft. 


^, 


:^!. 


I  ^L^^^j-^^".-^^ 


'♦-'V 


m         AK^IIL 


T5 
W2^r«ndpc,p«u.»0«m»™fh.of  «Ur„  .hrough. 

fore  it  w..  due,  mi  ther.  w«  n«  monc,  m  '''' "'"7       „  „,^, 

public  debt  i  .  democmic  n»=mter  "n  ll«  S™^  »'        8 

it  wa.  convenient  to  pay ;  >«  "1°'"°  .^i,  h-,  gratitude. 

There  -a.  at  *«  "™''  f^f,  ,,  j„„,h  republic,  tl«n  fov  our 
more«.lic.tudetorthe»eir,re«li^  ^^^  __j  _^^ 

own.    Notlm.gbutan.nll«tbl.«lM«  ,  .  ,.,^ 

.^..tt.i^tf-a.n.uV.P-.--"'""""'"^'^"""".^       • 

^"s.ce  .be  co™«c.,»2^-^- rS^SS'r;.=?.f. 

Iiave  nei,er  prevailed  m  that  countjy  ag  u.  ,  .„       ^ 

few  individuals.  .      example  In  Ae  ab6\ition  of  *!««  aaa 

.         Tfer  ll<-i»«6Kc  0/  ^'•«««r%J  cs  to  dStroy  those  leavens  of  corruption. 

splendor,  ^be  a  le««on  U,  ^'^S'^':,  pr^ce  smcc  ii^  revoluUon.  but  new 

Old  titles  have  been  ab'»""f^,'i. -epubUcan liberty.  ,  „    „,„ 

on"s  created  cquaUy.ncon.Bte|^tw^lh^^^^  Uie  ^publics  of  Fr««ce 

TAi.  RebubUc  of  Holland— Mh-Y  "^'^  «>      t-„,mvirate  in  the  cause  ot  hbeny- 

Jau^So^  ,Tf  r  ^ftS  g^vSrriy^^^^^^    a«  ab^«;- 

.h^^i?hat;{£riT^s;i^-^-^^^^^^ 

cbyTthe  office  of  president.  aristocracy  of  wealth  founded  upon  .  j 

^"^  Rep^Mc  </-r^^rti2^^t  hr«|VoluUonary  a^^^^^ 
the  virtues,  the  toils,  and  the  Ulowo^^^^j,|.  behind. 
SdlSe  baseless  fabricofad^m^^^^^  by  ^^'ob.  *e 

object,  atfd be  purged  otUie dregs  r^^^^^  j.^^^^^    '^l^r^hLvSwof 

WtteinMd'  of  -^""^^r-^^Ud  thatman  be  branded  as  theenemy «»      . , 
France  acquire  vigor  w^"*  ,"*'   ten  ©r  unhinge  it.  i_„ -.notlv  thi«' 

m  /^^Pi'Attc  <  ^rnmca--^^^,  and  patriotism  enough  to  cher 

a^-5ii:i.r^  L «: -.ct...^-t-ssf '•^.' 


'  V*- " 


5  : 


^• 


:ft»  ■ 


*' ;  'f' 


^ 


*'% 


I  ■' 


■y 


nx ; 


■*3' 


.i.i.. 


7« 


h: 


.h.. 


'<!  I:  f-wnthe  horroriciriftAt  war  in  vfetM;)^ 

>,'.:ni»t!hf  ".  ombincd  power*  ol  Europe. 


1'' 


i'       i 


.•\>. 


h^ 


■->,- 


^': 


,  V 


tnhtf ,  would  haT« 

"Mftxi^t  WHS  cngagf 

For  the  laosi  %  gr»iw  ubiucf,  and  bwlett  drpredationt  commit* 
1^  by  Frmice  oil  our  ^pfenceless  commtrce,  scarcely  a  compl^iint 
lias  been  uttcicd'ba'  our  republican  rulers }  apd  whenever  U  haa 
been,  it  has  been  fasy  to  discover  from  tJic  cftutious  mode  oi  ex- 
pression on  that  subject,  that  it  wa>i  done  only  to  save  uppea^a^fi 
liOftand  preserve  their  populari  /,  \  rauier  th;*n  tht  reswU  of  % 
•entiment  of  just  indignation,  for  unnverited  wrongs,  while  our 
language  has  been  ratisackcd  and  tortured,  to  find  words  expves* 
•ivc  of  their  contempt  and  hatred  of  the  British  government. 

For  such  a  discrimination  between  these  two  nations,  the  fcdc- 
falists  could  never  find  motives,  either  in  reason  ox  sound  policy. 
They  have  therefore  opposed  it,  and  warned  the  people  of  its 
fatal  tend'incy,  to  prevenv  a  reconciliation  with  Great  Britian,  if 
not  to  involve  us  eventually  in  a  war. 

But  for  their  warnings  they  have  been  reproached,  and  every 
jifffbrt  which  they  have  made  to  establish  a  national  character,  in- 
dependent of  every  nation  of  the  earth,  and  to  preserve  the  coun 
.    ^ryfrom  the  horrors  of  a  desolating  wTr,  has  been  ascrihtd  td 
','■:  %<  British  influence.    This  pitiful  story  of  British  influence  has  ex- 
vv  [J_.  piled  prejudices  which  have  now  been  so  long  predomiuant,  that 
r      >*'  the  honest  electors  can  give  no  accottnt  of  their  origin  or  proT« 
''■'••<"' gress. 

^  T*-",       Yet  to  tbis  strange  delusion  we  may  ascribo  our  fatal  divisional 
•jffirhich  while  they  have  encouraged  foreign  aggre«sJon,  have  by 
!;  C^;  f"*'**"^^''"?  ^^^  councils  of  the  republic,  enfeebled  the  means,  if 
"',  inot  rendered  the  power  of  resistance  ineffectual. 
> '     ,       And  now  wh^n  at  last  gjl  are  convinced  of  the  baneful  conse- 
.;    fluences  of  our  political  dissensions,  we  find  that  our  republican 
TBlers  arc  even  more  clamorous  than  ever  in  their  efforts  to  ex? 
Jfite  the  prejudipes,  the  passions  and  the  jealousy  of  thd  people 
;|  tgainst  federal  men.    They  ctdl  oa  them  to  *id  in  fighting  the 
^glBritish  nation  !      * 
;      But  can  they  expect  federalists  \vill  fight  and  destroy  those  they 
'   sp  ardently  love :  and  to  whose  government  they  have,  as  thw 
}  trip  represented,  such  an  invincible  attachment  ?  You,  fellow-citi- 
fjBens,  have  been  told  millions  of  tin\es,  that  the  fetieralisls  wisb- 
td  to  become  recolonixed  :  or  to  establish  a  government  i"  New- 
England,  ai^ilar  to  that  of  Great-Britain.    Xf  this  is  true,  why 
do  they  net  at  this  time  make  an  effort  to  do  it  ?    There  certainly 
never  WM;  and  Drebabiy  neyer  win  he  a  mors  {kv^irshls  n!^n.'>.rt-.:- 


."■^t 


m. 


-¥^^  ^^ 


'^: 


'^'( . 


•V^-tf  V-  ,*->*-'  '■■' 


,rfi^^eBi*i*?*sw*fi-**'**'; 


* 


if 


sc  they.  I 
IS  they 
)w.ciU- 
s  wish- 
fi  New- 
c,  why 
irtainly 


11 

r»ty  to  effect  sych  a  purpose.  Were  the  federtlistf  to  whe  thek 
force  to  the  Canadiaii  provinces  and  the  other  armi«»  of  Great 
Britain,  thcjr  wpuld  stand  the  tug  of  war,  at  lca»t  btvyond  tl»e  du- 
ration of  Mr.  Madison's  life  or  energies.  But  if  •hame  had  not 
lost  its  power  on  these  declaimers  of  British  influence,  the  con- 
duct of  the  federalists,  would  strike  them  dunib  with  confusion. 

Instead  of  aiding  the  enemy,  you  sec  them  braving  death  and 
ttenger  in  the  field  of  battle,  that  they  may  expel  frcm  our  bor- 
ders, the  hirelings  and  subjects  of  that  nation  by  whose  influence 
you  say  federalists  ^re  governed  ! ! 

And  if  this  country  is  ever  saved  from  the  tyranny  of  Great 
Britain  Or  France,  if  it  is  ever  saved  ffom  the  miserable  degraded 
conditwn  to  which  it  has  been  rtduced,  by  intrigue,  by  falsehoodi 
by  cowardice,  by  hypocrisy,  and  viUany,  it  will  be  saved  by  fede» 
ral  men:  Nut  all  the  efforts  of  a  weak  or  deluded  faction,  aided 
by  the  hirelings,  tools  and  sycophants  of  the  imperial  tyiant,  can 
«5ver  extinguish  in  them  the  fire  which  glowed  in  the  breasts  of 
their  illustrious  ancestors:  they  will  yet  exhaust  the  last  power 
of  nature,  that  they  may  transipit  unimpaired  to  posterity  our    . 
froe  constitution  and  all  those  privileges  of  freemen  purchased 
by  the  courage,  the  toil  and  blood  of  their  fathers:  they  are  the 
men  who  achieved  our  independence,  who  fought  and  suffered 
with  Washington,  and  who  are  still  ready  to  fight  and  to  die,  in 
support  of  that  policy  which  he  recommended.     And  while  they 
«  at  the  call  of  the  law,  would  fiy  to  the  standard  of  the  Uw,  and 
would  meet  invasions  of  the  public  order  as  their  own  personal 
concern,"  they  will  with  equal  xeal  oppose  by  all  lawful  means, 
the  weak  or  wicked  policy  ot  our  own  riilers  whenever  it  shall 
tend  to  subvert  the  great  ends  of  governroeiitj  and  bring  misei; 
tnd  ruin  on  the  present  and  future  generations. 

The  policy  of  the  last  fourteen  years  has  been  gradually  thougb 
UBceaaingly  draining  the  source*  of  our  wealth,  reducing  tho 
ttrength,  and  impairing  the  credit  of  the  nation.  But  since  the 
eommencen>ent  of  the  present  war,  it  lias  progressed  to  our  ruin 
-with  bold  and  rapid  strides :  and  the  toil  and  wealth  of  an  age  has 
been  sairificed  to  the  administration  of  a  year.  Yet  such  a  sacri- 
fice  great  as  it  is,  would  cheerfully  be  made  to  advance- the  glory 
Vtd  interest  of  the  republk.  ■ 

When  federalists  humbly  ask*  in  what  way  present  measures 
»re  to  advance  this  interest  of  our  country,  our  rulers  tauntingly 
r«ply.  we  are  not  accountable  to  the  minority :  when  they  ai|t , 
-^k£«  Mat- !- to  b«  dsm§dbonva  «u  wtkout  ««inc.pnMil-: 


V 


'H- 


'( 


.1-  \. 


iCf- 


^J 


^^ 


'B 


7tt 


\ 


'\- 


■-/ 


':f 


h 


.•A 


fe 


% 


:^•i-^' 


*-. 


■  ^   .►   H' 


grotind  to  hope  tiiat  the  ouictwiblo  object  for  which  it  h  (iccUred, 
.  %iH  thereby  be  attained,  we  ai-e  iiiBulting^y  told,  thW  if  it  is  not 
atlair»ctl,  the  failure  will  be  ascribed  to  the  parti:^n^  of  the  ene- 
my, the  federalists. 

So  long  as  every  evil  which  may  result  from  the  vices  or  errors 
>«rf  rulers,  is  to  be  ascribed  to  a  large  portipn  of  the  citizens  and 
to  them  only,  it  is  in  vain  to  anticipate  the  blessings,  or  the  diira 
tlon  of  renublican  liberty. 

It  has  long  been  betievcd,  that  nothing  would  save  us  from 
the  dangers  which  result  from  a  blind  confidence  in  rulers,  but 
■factual  suffering  inflicted  by  their  folly  or  vices.     Then  it  is  that 
..*>«  lethargic  indolence  is  roused,"  and  if  it  is  not  roused  by  con- 
Vmilsions,  we  have  reason  to  hope  that  reason  and  virtue  may  tri- 
v* ■  \imph  over  passion  nnd  prejudice.  '    '*   • ' 

'  .i*'  The  policy  of  the  last  foiirtcen  years  has  been  founded  in  errbr 
...  /«nd  delusion,  and  it  must  be  totally  renounced;  and  you,  myfcJ- 
[Hlow-citizens,  must  go  back  to  the  days  of  Washington  and  com- 
^tnencc  anew  your  political  career.    You  must  go  back  to  that  hap- 
j)y  period,  when  yotir  only  enquiry,  your  only  solicitude,  respec- 
ting candidates  for  office,  were  respecting  their  wisdom  and  their 
/Integrity,  and  not  the  insignificancy  of  a  name:  and  as  in  the 
'presence  of  your  God  and  under  that  awful  influence  imposed  by 
;  i'the  fate  of  millions  and  millions  yet  unborn,  make  a  final  sacrl- 
r    Jjfice  of  your  passions  and  your  prejudices  on  the  aftar  of  patriot- 
ism.   And  with  the  stern  integrity  of  virtuous  freemen,  you  must 
Tcsolve  that  your  future  efforts  shall  be  devoted  to  the  interests 
,  of  your  countrj',and  not  to  the  paltty  views  of  any  political  sect, 
■iby  whatever  specious  name,  it  may  be  called.     Remember  that 
republican  liberty  is  on  its  last  and  final  trial.     Republican  virtue 
has  been  corrupted  by  the  baneful  influence  of  party  spirit,  and 
.   ^    it  must  be  regenerated. 

That  wise,  firm,  independent,  and  pitriotie  policy,  which  was 

recommended  both  by  the  precept  and  example  of  Washington, 

V  is  the  only  system  which  can  encourage  us  even  to  hope  with  eon- 

:   :*  fidence  for  any  great  duration  to  our  republic.     And  in  this  it  is 

f  believed  you  have  placed  yoin  most  sanguine  hopes,  your  firm- 

;||  est  confidence. 

:  ;V      Your  leaders,  while  they  have  claimed  the  popularity  of  his 

name,  have  induced  many  of  you  to  believe  that  he  was  their  po- 

s       litical  fiiend :  while  they  have  been  elevated  to  power  on  th« 

tuuis  of  that  very  policy  which  he  approved  and  which  you  one* 

ibndiy  hoped  wouiii  atanu  a^Mluai  lii**  »«»bC  ><»  .•wi;yiijr  ~"-  -'  F — 

endure  forever.       ^    >r    ,  -^      .  '^      '"'  v 


',s/; 


eion, 


i-f.-% 


W:Mm 


yfii 


•Ai 


n 


If  it  U  not 
of  the  ene- 

es  or  errors 
:itizens  and 
or  the  dtira 

ve  us  from 
rulers,  but 
Ml  if  is  tbit 
ised  by  con- 
tue  may  tri- 

dcd  in  crrbr 
you,  myfcJ- 
3iland  com- 
to  that  hap- 
ide,  respec- 
sm  and  their 
ltd  as  in  the 
imposed  by 
a  final  sacri- 
r  of  patriot- 
n,  you  must 
he  interests 
olitical  sect) 
1  ember  that 
alican  virtue 
y  spirit,  and 

,  which  was 
iVashington, 
pe  with  eon- 
in  thi3  it  is 
,  your  firm- 

ilarity  of  his 
as  their  po- 
wer on  th* 
ch  you  onc« 


ItwBlbe  found  on  »e»ndid  review^-  ,.  ea!  state,  that 
t)ie  leaders  of  the  party  in  power,  hav.  :  dj^  a  cribed  that  poli- 
cy to  British  inauence,  and  thereby  -  xeedta  by  the  power  of 
delusion  only,  in  subverting  it,  and  dr     v  authors  from  the 

councils  of  the  nation. 

To  prove  that  the  political  condu  t  of  t»  ^  loaders  of  the  party 
in  power  was  opposed  to  the  views     >   it^cy  of  Washii^ton, 
you  have  been  refer<ed  to  his  own  tesli.aony,  contained  in  letters* 
written  by  him  to  the  officers  of  government,  as  well  as  to  his 
private  friends.     And  if  you  doubt  their  authenticity,  make  a 
pilgrimage  to  Mount  Vernon,  that  sacred  deporit,  where  you 
may  find  the  truth  recorded  by  that  hand  which  viih«red  in  the 
service  of  his  country.    Go  to  that  venerable  mansion,  once  the 
abode  of  him,  who  lived  only  that  you  might  be  free  and  happy, 
and  whose  spirit  has  ascerded  to  heaven:  and  from  that  pure 
source,  search  for  truth  :  and  if  your  prejudices  are  not  veiled 
with  darkness  impenfmble  as  adamant,  a  light  as  from  heaven  a 
ovn  altar,  will  dissipate  the  clouds  of  error,  of  falsehood,  and  de- 
lusion,  which  have  bewildered  your  long  and  Ureary  way,  through 
the  course  of  the  last  fourteen  years.    And  had  not  the  laws  ot 
God,  and  of  nature,  imposed  on  the  tomb  an  inviolable  suence, 
the  voice  of  Washington  would  warn  you  in  thunoers,  to  rwlort^^ 
his  councils,  if  you  would  perpetuate  your  Ubert.es.  ^"•.'  >     -^ 
Those  councils  are  conuined  in  his  last  affectionate  address  to 
his  fellow-citizens.    And  that  man  who  would  "°*  d^'^^^^.^J-J, 
effort  in  his  power  to  restore  them  must  be  dead  to  sens.bilny, 
topltriotUm,  to  the  interest,  the  honor  and  glory  of  his  couh- 

try.  .'     ,'.:m. 

to  reprobate  my  politics-,  ""^  *^J^*Jf!,"l,X^  be  relinquished  by 

W  who  will  be  «f '?fi^  J'^!*  ";'tbL  «^^^^^^^  fro«n  cfnncious  recUlude, 


■*■ .  ,  >■ 


\ 


':sm-'''- 


n  I 


m'--^. 


.':"-*- 'I;-; 


:.i  v» 


1  1. 

it-      '■; 


ll'i 


M 


!■ 


■I' 


'i    t.4 


Wanton  and  unnecessary  wars  have  in  every  age  and  sati^ 
been  the  horrid  instrunaents,  in  the  hands  of'  government,  t;f  »«b" 
wUng  liberty  and  reducing  to  wit:tchednesathec;ftoditiifln  qI  o^. 

.,*         '.      POUTIGAl.  DELUSION  TRIUMPHANT. 

The  horrible  agitations  which  have  distracted  the  councils  and 
^reatened  the  safety  (rf  the  republic,  have  at  length  subsided.    , 

The  joy  at  the  return  of  peace  results  from  the  irresistible  im- 
pulse of  nature  and  hunrwinity.  '    '    ? 

We  rejoice  because  the  blood  of  our  slaughtered  citizens  non 
Itmger  flows  in  vain. 

We  rejoice  because  the  ruin  <rf  our  naUmial  wealth  and  credit 
is  arrested  in  its  fatal  progress:  and  tkatthe  countless  blessings 
of  peace  bave  succeeded  the  horrors  of  a  ruinous  and  ito^jeiesA 
war.  te-r;:-/.  ^.^.  .vv  ••-^•'v  •.,,,.)>-.  .:,s- ..-,  ;'• 

But  could  not  ^e8eMef)sii%&  have  been  preserved,  could  they 
not  have  been  as  well  enjoyed  without  this  dreadful  sacrifice  of 
bSood  and  treasure  ?  Are  our  citizens  wiser  or  more  happy,  or 
are  their  right*  better  secured  than  they  were  at  the  coninfif  nce- 
naent  of  the  late  war  ?  These  are  serious  'juestions  and  tbey  must' 
be  answered. 

Histoj7  has  taught  us  thai  in  every  age  and  nation  wanton  and. 
unnecessary  wars  have  been  the  horrid  instruineuts  of  subvert*' 
ing  liberty,  and  reducing  to  wretchedness  the  condition  of  man. 
Does  it  not  become  our  duty  then  as  a  wise  people  to  inquire  with 
d?ep  solicitude  whether  the  evils  resulting  from  the  late  war  have, 
produced  any  good  ?  and  if  not,  why  they  have  been  inflicted^ 
An  offensive  war  should  be  the  last  resort  of  .injured  nations,  and 
to  which  recourse  should  not  be  had  except  in  extreme  cases, 
"when  the  peace,  tke  safety  and  rights  of  the  people  arje  put  |q 
jeopardy. 

But  it  cannot  be  consider*^ rex pcdient'by  a  wise  and  virtuous 
people  in  any  circumstances  to  declare  war  even  when  the  cause 
■would  justify  resistance,  unless  there  is  at  least  some  ground  to 
hope,  that  the  injured  natUa  will,be  able  thereby  toi-cdrcss  her 
wrongs.  •  ■  *  "^   ■ 

This  last  proposition  is  denied  by  modern  politicians  both  ia 


^.Jt 


•t 

llurofie  And  Amenoa.  Who  contend  that  independent  natioot 
ought  to  fight,  when  their  national  hontc  is  assailed,  however, 
it  may  affect  the  interests  or  happiness  of  the  people.  Under 
the  influence  of  this,  princ'ple,  the  rulers  of  Europe  have  for 
a^es  compelled  their  miserable  subjects  to  fight  for  the  blessings 
iE^f  national  honor.  But  on  whsm  do  these  blessings  rest  ?  not 
on  the  wretched  multitude  who  fight  and  die,  but  on  the  few  lord- 
ly tyrants  who  direct  the  war :  and  who  prate  continually  about 
national  honor. 

•  But  whenever  the  rulers  of  a  free  people  declare  a  war  which 
is  more  destructive  to  their  interest  and  happiness  than  the  injurj^ 
complained  of,  for  which  resistance  is  made  :  or  when  there  is 
no  probable  ground  to  hope  that  the  injured  nation  will  be  able 
thereby  to  redress  her  wrongs;  such  rulers,  could  never  in  the 
event  of  such  a  war,  expect  either  success  or  glory.  Such  were 
the  circumstances  attending  the  commencement  of  the  late  war, 
that  no  one  but  the  roost  blind  and  stupid  votary  of  present  meas- 
ures could  presage,  in  Its  event,  any  thing  better  than  disgrafer 
and  defeat. 

At  that  fatal  Crisis,  suCh  was  the  situation  of  the  United  Stateii, 
and  that  of  the  belligerents  of  Europe,  that  we  could  expect  n» 
advantage,  but  had  muth  to  fear  from  taking  a  part  in  their  con*  ^  v 
test.    France  equally   with  Great-firitain  had  violated  our  neu»   • 
tx"al  rights.    Tltosc  rights  we  shamcfufily  surrendered  to  France,.   '  • 
by  selecting  the  latter  for  our  enemy,  and  thereby  violated  th»    ^i^ 
pure  maxim  "  equal  and  exact  justice  to  all  nations."     Besides         ' 
in  doing  it  we  could  not  avoic*  an  entangling  alliance  with  France.  .^ 

But  supposing  by  uniting  our  efforts  with  France,  we  had  suc- 
ceeded, eiten  in  subjugating  the  power  of  Great-Britain,  and  Na- 
poleon had  taken  possession  of  her  thousand  ships.    Would  he 
liave  given  liberty  to  the  seas,  and  peace  to  oar  country  ?  Praised  , 
be  the  ruler  of  the  univefte,  that  we  have  escaped  the  horrible         - 
grasp  of  his  iron  hand- 
But  when  it  is  considered  that  the  unbounded  ambition  of  Na-  i^ 
poleon,  had  driven  the  nations  of^Europt  to  madness,  it  was  not  f; 
difficult  to  foresee  that  the  event  of  bis  downfail  was  more  than  ■ 
probable,  and  that,  in  such  an  event,  we  should  be  left  to  contend 
alons,  with  the  most  powerful  nation  on  the  globe.    Such  was  th» 
condition  to  which  we  were  reduced. 

Do  you  not  see  then,  feilowK:iiiatens,  that  our  administrntion  ^^ 
had  staked  the  »ucc9f»  4  their  Min%«v«ntuaU|r»  on  Uw  iHCcoff 


■?*• 


-:--s 


4; 


^f-X 


'¥ 


/ 


'i,-;  ':"--i»'. 


rv'^^.. 


,,»»WftMI»»«(«*(*»i  ■■■ 


('-•  .<■■■ 


^ 


A. 


f 


.'X 


ll 


U 

t,f  Napoleon,  and  thereby  cBtangled  us  in  the  dcstr active  poUey 
of  the  belligerents  of  Europe?  Of  this  you  must  be  con7iuced 
trhen  you  recollect  the  fact,  that  Mr.  Madison  rejeGted  the  rdf- 
fer  of  an  armistice  made  by  Great-Britain,  on  any  other  terms 
than  that  she  would  first  yield  the  very  point  ia  issue  wun  regard 
*».impressmcnt;*  a  point  which  he   well  knew  she  woirid  not 

V  •  There  is  no  doubt  but  thatthe  subjects  of  thcgovermnentof  Gre^tBiit^. 
1«  many  .h.lar.ces  abuse  the  r.glu  which tLeyclauT,. to  npprc.s.^^ 
mua,  whenfound  in  neutral  ships.-But  the ^.-eat  quest,  n  ^^M^J^  ^!^^^*^^ 
ciseof  therishtofimpressmeni  m  the  sense  they  «ont*.,idtb  ^^''^'"^"^g 
meatof  our  nkuonal  sovereignty  and  mdepeadencc.  ^,<^;;-^^  ":^;^"^^3,  fo f 
tieht  of  impreijsment  on  t%y.)  principles  ;  one  is,  that  .ill  the  muftDers  m 
Sfe  civil  cZmtmity  are  bound  to  each  other  by compuet ;  the  f^^^l^^ 
one  of  d»e  parties  to  this  compact  cannot  dissolve  it  by  las  o^^  ix  ac ..    \\  hen 
therefore  one  of  her  native  cd«ens  attempts  to  cxpa    ':.ie  himself  wuhout 
the  consent  of  the  government,  they  contend  tliat  they  l^^'-^  ^  ff  ^^  .^^,  ■^; 
,  mand  such  citizen,  ar.d  compel  lum  to  submit  to  Uie  *^7,«'«„'".'^^';*«*^^^^^^ 
of  his  native  country.     And  .n  this  the  government  ot  the  ^"|f f.^^  "' °; 
Oi-eat  Britain,  and  France  concur.    There  has  been  one  case^m  ^vh.ch    his 
principle  has  been  the  subject  of  legal  adjudicaUon,  m  the  Sup  W  Court 
of  tlie  United  States.    "1»  1792,  one  Williams  was  commissioned   oy  the 
French  Consul-Gencral  residing  in  America,  as  a  lieutenant  on  b«-"| '"« 
.Tupiter,  a  Fi-ench  seventy-four.    The  Jupiter  saded  in  the  autum.^  o   the 
aarae  veitr  for  Hocliefort,  where  WiHiams  was  naturalized,  rcnouncog  tus 
»lletriance  to  the  United  Stat-ss.     After  t^is  naturalization,  he  was  eonimis- 
sioned  by  the  French  Republlck  a  second  heutenant  ori  board  the  French 
fric-ate  tiie  Caront.    He  continued  in  die  commission  and  service  ot  iiaice 
"    S  the  27th  of  Februan',  1797,  when  he  was  seized  and  arrested  ior  ac- 
oeptnifc  a  commission  from  the  French  l^publick,   to  commit  acts  oi  v:o- 
Eeainst  the  kiiig  of  Great  Britain^  and  las  subjects,  with  whom  we 
were  at  peace.  Wdhams  pleaded  m  jusuficai  ion  his  nutiu-^dization  in  I'l-unce, 
Sris  Enunciation  of  his  allfegiancc  to  the  United  Stales.    Chiet  Justice 
kllswortli  gave  the  following  opimon.  i„c„.„,h. 

"The  common  law  of  this  counti-y  remains  the  same  as  it  was  betoie  .hy 
revolution.  The  present  question  is  to  be  decided  by  two  grcut  prmc.- 
ales  •  one  is  that  all  the  members  of  the  civd  community  are  bound  to  each 
other  by  compact,  the  other  te,  that  o!ie  of  the  parties  to  this  compact  eaJi- 
notdLssolveitbylnsownaa.  The  compact  between  our  community  and 
its  member!^  )!•.  that  the  community  sliall  protect  its  members,  and  on  the 
part  of  the  membevs.  that  they  Wilfatall  times  bb  obedienL  to  the  laws  ol 
die  community  and  faithful  m  its  defence.  Th  s  compact  distinguishes  our 
Kovernmenifiom  those  which  aie  founded  in  violence  or  inmd.  Tl  neccssa- 
rilv  result,  tliat  a  member  canno  L  dissolve  this  compact,  without  th«  covsoit 
or  default  of  the  eommuiiity.  Tlier.^.  has  been  no  cousent-^no  liclault 
Default  18  not  pretended.  Express  consent  is  not  churned;  but  it  h?9  been 
argued  that  the  consent  of  the  conimu'iity  is  implied  by  tt»  poLoy--its  con- 
dition— and  its  acts.  In  countries  so  crowded  with  mhabitanta,  that  the 
iheans  of  subsistence  are  difficult  to  be  obtained,  it  is  reason  antt  pohcy  U. 
pen.tit  emigration  ;  but  our  policy  is  diftcrent  j  forourcountry  is  ^ut  scarec- 
\a  settled,  imd  we  liave  no  inhaliitants  to  spai-e 

T'  "CossKST  lias  been  argued 'Vom  ihecoiuiiSion  of  the  country,  bscausewe 
were  in  a  state  ot  peace.  But  iboucdi  wt  were  in  pcacr,  the  war  had  eom- 
menccd  in  Europe.— We  w.shwi  to  have  nothing  to  do  witli  the  w*-"  i  ^ut 
the  war  would  have  something  ty  do  wiUi  us.  It  has  been  exH-en.ely  iitti- 
cuU  for  us  to  keep  out  of  this  war  ;  tlie  progress  of  it  has  threateiwd  to  in- 
volve us.    It  has  hrca  uetess.ai  v  for  our  govcmiuuit  to  be  vigUant  in  re- 


¥^J^ 


i  .  (  <" 


V 


83 

yisitl  to  any  but  her  conquerors :  and  that  this  very  point  was 
yk'kled  by  him,  ihb  migiity  sine  «|ua  non,  ihis  iusuriTiOuritoble 
obbtaclf!  to  peace  was  removed  on  the  27th  day  of  June,  about  one 
we»k  after  the  news  of  Bonaparte's  abdication  had  reached  this 
country  in  a  shape  so  authejatic,  that  it  could  no  longer  admit  of 
a  doubt.  ,     '  ' 

At  the  event  of  Napoleon's  defeat,  the  federalists  rejoiced,  be- 
cause they  saw  through  it  the  approaching  termination  of  an  ex- 
ecrable waf. 

,FeiJcr«rist3  have  no  pretensions  to  the  powers  of  prophccy,but 
they  havu  firmly  believed  and  predicted,  that  the  excessive  par- 
tiality lo  FraucB  uiid  hostility  to  Great-Britain  which  has  been  the 
distinguishiug  fealitre  through  every  pe»-i.>d  of  the  repubiican 
admmisu'ation,  would  eventually  end  in  disaster  and  disgrace. 


straining  our  own  citizens  from  those  acts  which  woxiid  involve  lis  m  ho**-" 
tUitiea.    The  most  vib'.onary  writers  on  tliis  subject  do-  not  contend  for  the 
principle  in  the  vinlimi'ed  extent,  that  a  citizen  may  at  any,  tat'l  at  all  timti, 
renounce  his  own,  and  join  lumself  to  a  foi-eign  country.    <  ..*':? 

«  Co  S8EJJT  has  been  argued,  from  the  acts  of  our  government  pennittmg 
the  iui  upalization  cf  foreigners.  When  a  foreigner  presents  himself  here, 
and  proves  himself  tv>  be  of  a  good  moral  cTiai-acter,  well  af!ecied  to  the 
ronstiivitjon  and  governm>-nt  of  the  United  States,  .ind  a  friend  tovhe  gopd 
ordci  and  happiness  of  civil  society ;  if  he  has  resided  here  the  time  \m- 
«cnbed  bv  law,  we  gtant  him  the  privileges  of  a  ciuacn.  We  do  not  eiM) 
quite  vhat  his  relation  is  to  his  own  country  ;  we  have  not  the  means  Of 
knouMg.  and  the  enquu-v  would  be  indcl.cate  ; ,  we  leave  hmv  to  judge  of 
that  .  i;'  he  cn-biuyasses  IVimself  by  contracting  contra,;\icu)ry  obhganons, 
iha  fault  aiidthefoHyarehisown  ;  hut  this  implies  no  consent  ot  tiie  go- 
vernmcnt,  that  our  own  citizens  should  expatriate  thciusi.lves ,  ^-. 

«  It  is  tncrefore  iTty  opinion,  that  tlie  .acts  which  the  piisnner  otters  tft 
nrove  in  his  defence,  ate  totally  irrelevant  ,•  they  can  hav-e  no  opmlion  ta 
law  and  the  iury  ought  not  to  be  embairiwEsd  or  troubled  with  themes 
but'bv  *he  constitution  of  the  court,  the  evidence  must  go  to  the  jury. 

«  The  cause  and  the  evidence  were  accordingly  rommitied  to  the  j«ry. 
The  ii.'  V  soon  aRrecdon  a  verdict,  and liiund  tlie  prisoner  &UrLT\.  r^ 

«^riie  court  Sentenced  hiip  to  pay  a  fine  of  1000  dollars,  and  to  sufR^^ 
four  months  imprisonment."  ,.    .    ,  v     i  t. . 

Bat  it  is  eaid  that  when  a  citizen  of  Great  Britain  becomes  nauiralued  L/ 
our  laws,  her  right  to  chim  the  services  of  such  citizen  ceases.  O^^r  »aw 
rcla':,ve  to  naturalization  had  its  orijTin  subsequent  to  that  by  which  Great 
nritnin  claims  the  right  to  tlie  services  of  her  n»v.ive  subjects.  How  tai-  one 
indcpen<lcnt  n:ition  has  a  ri-ht  W  a  municipal  rcgulauon  to  mterfePe  with 
apre^xisting  national  right,  -  other  independent  nation,  altlio  gh 

.*>   _-..-.. f -:j.i.*  „„  ^i.."«„'(  m,.    1,.   liimifrht  an  infringement  ot  naiiu-al 

rcmt^i'ks,  and  cited 

evon  the  British 

tile  case  OIWHlianri,  m  ei.i:«   vii...    .V.  .- ..-.       ~ :,  »      4  4i,„  u,....-^ 

rlditof  impressment  which  our  a.'m.mstration  v.vmid  res  st,  at  the  hazi^d 
ot-our  peace  and  happ  *oukl  rea.iily  be  yielded  by  our  ow"  govern, 

ment.  wa»  our  condi'  ilar  to  that  of  Great  Untain.--Fectera(,sts  would 

ao?  Unction  the  .-bv^se  of  power,  in  any  other  nation,  when  't  mtringea  on 
tiieriKlits  of  their  own  -..neither  would  they  sacrifice  tiieiinaU.m.u  wealth 


a  pre-existing  national  right,-        •     other  independent 
<it^li  national  right  as  claimed,  ma^  *>',•  dinught  an  inf-ine 
rVht,  is  a  great  national  qacstion.    I  have  made  these  re 
the  caseofWiUiamJ,  t(.  shew  thai  it  is  nC  rertam  that 


"1  -  _  « 


*^ 


>     -*■ 


i 


8i 


/ 


1 


^UJ 


\i0 


If 


"  And  to  ccmpiete  the  cliinax  of  insirtt,  of  abuse,  of  tufferinf^, 
and  of  delusion,  we  are  told  that,  from  this  war  great  and  import- 
AQt  advantages  have  been  derived  tu  the  country  !  1  And  what  is 

;^BIore  a  matter  of  astonishment,  many  of  our  good  and  honest 
/electors,  either  do,  or  at  least  pretend,  to  believe  what  i«  thus 
told  them  I ! ! 

It  has  been  truly  remarked  that  "  the  greatest  evils  arc  not  fcr- 
fived  at  their  utmost  period,  until  those  who  are  in  povirer  have 

f  lost  all  sense  of  shame ;  at  such  a  time,  those  who  should  obey 
•hake  off  all  respect  and  s^iboidtnation  ;  then  is  lethargic  indo- 
lence roused,  but  roused  by  convulsions/'  And  have  we  not  rea- 
son to  fear  that  such  a  period  has  already  commenced.  After  a 
vmr  of  more  than  4.Mro  years,  declared  by  our  own  gavernment,  in 
which  thousands  and  thousands  of  our  fellow-citizens  have  faU 
len  by  the  sword  and  by  pestilence :  have  been  subjected  to  dis- 
ease and  to  deatJi  -.  in  which  our  land  has  been  filled  with  «rido.ws, 
■with  orphans,  with  sufferings  and  with  tears.  And  a  debt  ot  mil- 
lions entailed  on  posterity  which  can  be  paid  only  by  years  of  toil 
and  pain,  and  when  every  object  ot  this  war  had  been  yielded  to 
the  enemy,  we  have  seen  ^ur  chiei'  magistrate  in  an  official  and 
public  communication,*  congratubung  the  representatives  of  the 
people,  that  peace  vas  rejitpicd  at  a  period  when  the  causes  of 
war  had  ceased,  and  undej:  circumstances  that  the  nation  could .^ 
review  its  conduct  Avithout  i-egret,  and  that  thereby  the  govern- 
jn^nt  had  de.iionstr?ted  the  efficiency  of  its  power  of  defence  : 
and  recommending  to  the  beneficence  of  the  people  the  military 
ifnd  naval  d^partnrents,  which  as  he  asserts,  had  contributed  es- 
•  acntially  to  the  restoration  of  peace  I  ! 

^t  the  time  this  communication  was  made,  neither  at  any 
time  since,  has  tlie  British  practice  of  impressment,  nor  the 
cause  which  produced  it  ever  ceased.  Neither  could  it  be  said 
that  the  achievements  of  our  armies  contributed  essentially  to  the 

/     •See  President  Madisqn's  Message  to  .Congress  feb.  20tb,  1815. 

The  following  is  an  extract  from  Mr.  Madison's  instruciions  to  our  minis- 
ters, before  Bonaparte's  defeat—"  But  the  business  of  imprt'ssments  cannot 
be  waved,  nor  postponetl,  nor  i)ifonnally  arranged.  It  .cannot  be  waved,  be- 
cause it  im  olves  an  intripgement  of  tJie  national  sov^eignty  and  indepen- 
dence. It  cannot  be  post^)ned,  because  ,heing  one  of  the  main  groun<&  (^ 
the  war,  the  government  cannot  answer  to  the  people,  since  the  rejection  of 
Admiral  Warren's  proposition  for  a  suspension  of  hostiUties,  upon  the  basis 
of  the  repeal  of  the  Orders  in  Couneil.  It  cannot  be  tlie  subject  of  an  in- 
formal  arrangement,  because  the  experience  of  Messrs.  Monroe  and  F^^- 
^iey*s  arrangement  has  taught  us,  that  such  AH  tyiderstandine  cannot  IWWr: 
hcd  Upon,  lor  any  practical  Purpose," 


w^ 


8S 

rc^toraaon  of  peace,  When  our  peace  U  not  better  »«""'«'*;r  ^^; 
ter  enjoyed  than  before  the  war.  To  say  nothing  of  ih.  mcalcula. 
ble  miseries  which  this  war  haf  occasioned.        .  . 

And  is  it  no  matter  of  regret,  that  these  miseries  have  been  m^ 
flicte^  without  any  adequae  obj«t.  and  to  no  purpose  • 

And  is  it  matter  of  congmtulutioo  that  in  a  war  declared  by 
our  own  government,  we  ha«  -  evi  .<ved  our  powers  of  d.  feuc* 
against  theenemy  ?  But  th.  sity  of  calUng  .he.  powers  of 

defence  into  exercise,  we  impo..d  on  ourselves  by  commencing 

^'"'^o^m's  which  relates  to  the  war  c^n  be  a  cause  of  ccngratu- 
btion,  unfess  it  is  the  attainment  of  some  object  ot  the  w«r  :  one 
of  which  was,  if  Mr.  Madison  is  correct,  toevmce,  tha  we  were 
able  to  defend  ourselves  against  the  enemy  I  I  And  *«?»>-?  J« 
have  proved  by  the  late  war,  that  we  are  .ble,  -  j'^^'fj  ^^  ,^  ^^ 
actually  defended  oursejvc*  against  the  power  of  Gre.t  But.n  . 
at  the  Ixpense  only  of  about  ten  thousand  01  the  hves  ot  ou   te U 
low^itizens,and  one  or  two  hundred  mi  Uiuns  of  dollars.     Noo.^ 
-trho  has  much  knowledge  of  our  resources,  or  the  cha^ac  er  of 
Americans,  ever  doubted  of  our  ability  to  do  this    M^uhont  ma- 
C^^gtldcadful  sacrifice  to  prove  it.     And  couid  .he  chuf  ma- 
g^^^tme  of  a  free  and  enlightened  people  attempt  t  is  impo.uc. 
L  the  common  sense  of  the  people,  had  he  no,  lo,    all  s.n.o  of 
late  i  Or  can  rulers  who  are  thus  insenstble  ot  sh   n.,  .nd  r  -- 
It^dless  of  the  honor  and  interest  of  their  country,  .xp^c  stiU  to 
io^and  the  people's  aspect  ?-.Is  it  not  r.ther  to  Oe  fear.d.    . 
hH^imc  I  n'ot  iar  distant,  when  an  injured  and  ind.Kn.U  pco. 
nle  wiU  throw  off  all  respect,  and  all  subordination  to  meo,  who 
undl  the  specious  name  of  republican,  wouU.  thus  abu.e  .neir^ 
^^nLte  and  sport,  with  their  dearest  right.     Why  does  the^ 
^onnaencc  -u     v  impression  on  the  public 

chief  magistrate  attempt  to  "^f  ^  ^^^^^^^^^^  ,  ^r^  ^.„  [,  ,,,^^ 
mind  with  respect  to  the  event  of  the  late  war  v>  uy 
S"ka^  honest  language  of  a  -^  -P-j^'-"'  l^'^^  ;^ 
Lple  that  the  defeat  of  the  ruler  of  F.  auce  had  clisuppon.tcd  .^ 
Topes  with  respect  to  the  powerful  aid  h.  expected  to  d.me  tro^ 
nopts  wiui       F*  .herebv  the  obiec's  ot  the  »*ar  h:iu  been  ..e-,^ 

that  country,  and  that  thereby  tne  o^j  ,,;ffi,,,aheH  ■^^'6  dis-^  ^ 

feated  and  the  country  unhappiij  u^volvcd  «.  ^f^'^'^Jrl^^^^  1 
tresavfrom  which  their  virtue  .nd  patriotism  alon«  cou.o  txtu^j 

^  ^'^r^^tLtismor  sound  policy,  c.u  the  be«t  interests  of  oiil 


4..-.     ■'r-^\.•.i 


-'"     i 


.-■'.'S: 


)  '  •:- 


"■'   '->  - 


:.:,i:f 


y 


-ifci^' 


■#■ 


:■> 


m 


^.^ 


'i' 


lA 


J'.. 


Fifl 


1^ 


s 


•li 


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"^ 


,.  tountry  require,  that  the  people  ahoijW  be  deceived  witli  rci^ccl 

,,  j,  to  the  object  or  tendency  of  measures,  with  respect  to  the  "impo^- 

■'■  tant  concerns  which  relate  to  the  welfare  of  the  couutry  I  And  has 

«  yj|  become  necessary,  in  order  to  secure  llie  confidence  of  a  wise 

Und  free  people,  to  betray  them  into  a  belief  that  real  injuries, 

that  the  most  terrible  national  calamities  are  blessings  in  embryo, 

in  which  they  should  exult.     Is  this  the  policy  which  is  to  light 

j;^ur  way  to  the  millennial  glories  which  Columbus  s^w  in  vision  ? 

Whiiher,  O  my  fellow-citizens,  whither  has  fled  that  stern  in- 

/•.Jtcgrity,  that  firm  and  disinterested  patriotism,  that  once  seemed 

to  win  a  short  lived  popularity,  at  the  expense  of  our  immortal 

glory  f  Is  this  the  country  in  which  republican  virtue  has  claimed 

\hp  triumphs  of  an  immortul  existence  ? 

."jfes,  in  tnis  once  happy  country,  destined  by  heaven,  as  we  had 

'   .     fondly  hoped,  to  illustrate  ^he  splendid  achievements  of  her  he- 

i^rocs,  and  the  wisdom  of  her  sages,  in  the  examples  of  their  sons, 

Jifcre  have  seen  that  duplicity,  hypocrisy  and  intrigue,  have  consti- 

tJUted  the  only  elfectual  passports  to  preferipnent  and  to  power  ! ! 

•*'■•■■,.'■  ■        , 

-  p*'»^4*'l3rnprized  a^  hep  swt»#»l4h«j^ 
^     ^>     tJudistinguish'd  they  live,  if  they  stiame  not  their  sires ; 
-'     •.«^-'    And  tlie  torch  that  would  light  Uiera  to  dignity's  way, 
^  ,-     M<iWtbc  caught  from  the  pile  wjicre  their  country  expires." 

The  people  in  this  country. well  know  what  were  the  pretendeii 
'  objecis  of  the  war  ;  and  those  who  have  reua  the  late  treaty  of 
j)cace*  between  this  country  and  Great  Britain,  know  also  that  not 
onf.  of  those  objects  have  been  thereby  obtained.  And  many'of 
the  electors  who  support  the  men  in  power,  have  even  had  the 
iionesl  candor  to  acknowledge,  that  they  could  discover  nothing 
but  disaster  in  the  event  of  the  preseiit  war. 

But  no  sooner  was  the  magic  influence  of  Mr.,  Madison's  mes- 
sage diffused  among  the  people,  than,  this  war  of  misery  and  tlis- 
grace,  is  at  once  trhnsformed  into  a  national  blessing  !  their  optics 
are  endued  at  once  with  new  powers :  the  scales  fall  from  tmsir 
eyes,  and  they  see  advantages  resulting  from  the  war,  of  which  be- 
fore they  had  no  conceptions.  '   t         ,  ;    .  >«.i^'% 

There  is  not  at  this  time  a  country  on  eartil,  however  despotic, 

•  For  the  benefit  of  those  vho  liavenot  read  tha  late  treaty,  it  is  hefet* 
annexed.  Ii  is  hoped  die  people  will  read  and  judge  for  themsel^tt  Hoy 
much  catise  of  con^atulatioii  it  contaiiw.  ■ 


<,V>"''      •."T,»)!»^--'.__i»S^,.-    il;j  ,,  ■r_^"ft,^,-. 


:;,  -f--':^   :.■    .■ 


.I*;' 


» 


1 1 


' 


87 

^re  rulers  have  a  more  absolute  cofttroyl  over  the  rights  of 
the  people,  than  in  our  own.  ,    .     , 

The  popularity  with  which  they  have  conducted  the  late  way,. 
lenders  it  evident,  that  there  are  no  evils  which  they  may  not  m- 
flict  upon  the  people  with  impunity. 

'  The  federalists  can  neither  controul  n6r  change  the  councils  o 
the  nation,  and  the  republicans  with  theif  present  prejudices  will 
not.     Should  Napoleon  again  re-establish  himseh  in  power,  we 
may  well  eonclude  his  continental  system  would  be  revived,  and 
we  again  involved  in  the  vortex  of  his  policy.  ^, 

With  our  present  rulers  at  helm,  our  peace  cannot  be  durabW. 
By  the  late  treaty  nothing  has  been  settled.     The  officers  of  the 
late  army  are  urging  their  claims  on  the  gratitude  and  patronage   j, 
^^  the  government ;  and  are  dissatisfied  with  the  late  peace.     A 
host  of  the  unfortunate  sufferers  in  the  late  war  are  also  putung 
\n  their  claims  for  pensions,  and  will  doubtless,  obtain  them  to  art,; 
enormous  amount,  which  the  people  must  pay  :  and  they  arc  ^, 
ready  taxed  to  the  extent  of  their  abilities,  and  even  beyond.    _ 
But  if  you  would  duly  estimate  the  result  of  the  late  war,  il  y^u  ^^ 
would  know  what  we  have  lost  by  it,  Uy  aside  for  a  moment  Miv 
Madison's  message,  and  ask  the  thousands  of  weeping  widows,  , 
and  mothers  who  have  been  thereby  left  destitute  and  comfortless, 
to  a  merciless  world:  ask  the  thousands  of  orphan  children  whd  , 
have  been  thereby  deprived  of  their  only  protector  and  support  ;5 
'    ask  Uie  miserable  beings,  mangled  and  maimed  bywounds.anij.. 
rendered  useless  to  themselves  and  to  the  world,  and  who  must    ' 
either  starve,  or  subsist  on  the  scanty  pittance  of  a  pension  .^go 
to  the  hospitals,  those  abodes  of  misery  ;  and  ask   t  «  wretc^^ 
beings  whl  have  been  transferred  thither  from  the  field  of  b  ulc, 
cov^ed  with  blood  and  distorted  with  the  agony  f  heir  wo  ^^ 
ask  them  ;  ask  the  poor  fugitives  who  have  been  driven  from  he^P 
b*ng  dUuings,  and  reduced  in  an  hour,  from  a  state  o  com. 
&le  competency,  to  want,  and  even  beggary  :  and  whde  y*  ^ 
refl  cton  this  miserable  assemblage  of  -ff^Png  humamty.  as^ar^ 
ain  if  vou  can,  the  mdlions  of  expense  at  which  these  evils  have 
bin  purchaseil.    L.ok  then  at  the  late  -aty  with  Great  Briuu. 
«.d  cLpure  the  .nd  and  object  of  the  war,  and  Us  final  everU  wuh 
the  m^  which  have  been  employed  in  Us  prosecution,  and  the 
poUr^'^-hhasledtoU;  and  if  you  will  then  S-e  the  sanctu4 
^your  apprp ving  voice  lo  the  political  conduct  of  thq9*  *rho  d»re« 


l.".^- 


'<  ■■#■.' 


f-l-      ' 


,>■': 


■'  ;•;• 


■y 


^.V 


«• 


m 


-m 


ths  public  concerns  of  our  countrf ,  it  nuy  iiu!e«u  be  %vA%  it  wit! 

be  said  by  an  impartial  world,  that  in  the  United  States,  political 

j4ehi8iori  is  triumphant.     Thii  is  at  present  our  condition.    Such' 

*  iccnes  of  sufferinj;,  so  wantonly  inflicted  on  a  free,  and  generous 

people,  were  never  before  exhibited  on  earth  I 

Whut  then  can  be  done  to  save  the  republic  ?  Truth  and  argu- 
iaent  are  our  only  means  :  with  these  the  present  policy,  and  the 
flUtiiovs  of  it  will  bf  opposed  by  federalists  while  they  have  life  aI4^ 
Wason  If  our  republic  must  fall,  as  it  certainly  must,  under  such 
an  .idmiiiis!  ration  as  the  present,  and  probably  very  soon  ;  "  Let  the 
federalists  cling  to  it,  while  it  has  life  in  it,  and  even  longer  than 
there  is  hope.  Let  them  be  auxiliary  to  its  virtues  ;"  and  if  death' 
inust  be  its  fate,  let  them  strain  every  nerve,  and  exhaust  the  last 
poweFofintellect.andif  necessary,  surrender  even  life  itself,  that 
tl»y  may  protract  its  dyinp  nature,  and  from  its  expiring  convul- 
sions snatch  the  spirit  of  liberty,  and  render  its  reign  on  earth  ini-i 
iMortal-         -^'  '^ !-.<■*-  -^  ■  .-v'f.\  :.' 

'•■J>5  V   ,■/-      j^-f'f.'-'v     V''"-     W^'^_  :■(>*'•;  "A  .:.-.,.  .-}(,  Jku    .;.,/-,■  -J 


.'.  -^     •    .  ■"■■  ."  'i.  ■■'.■.■, '  ,'   '  ■ 


mi^ 


JBkttrict  of  ^Vew-York,  ss.  - .    ,  -.  \.,r 

BE  IT  REMEMBERED,  that  on  the levenl^  day  of  August,  in  the 
fortieth  year  of  the  independence  of  the  United  States  of  America,  E.  and 
E,  HosFOHD,  of  the  .said  District,  hath  deposited  in  this  office  ti>e  title  of  a 
book,  the  right  whereof  they  claim  as  proprietors,  in  the  words  folbwinff, 
to  wit:  '  • 

"  The  Crisk ;  on  thie  orifin  and  consequences  of  our  political  dissensions. 
To  which  is  annexed,  the  late  treaty  between  the  United  States  and  Great 
BriUin.    By  a  Citizen  of  Veimont.        ^    v 

In  conformity  to  the  Act  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  entitled 
••  An  Act  for  the  encouragement  of  Learning',  by  securing  the  copies  of 
Maps,  Charts,  and  Books  to  the  authors  and  proprietors  of  such  copies, 
during  the  time  tlierein  mentioned."  And  also  to  an  Act,  entitled  "  an 
Act,  supplementary  to  an  Act,  entitled  an  Act  for  the  encouragement  of 
I^etiming,  by  securing  the  copies  of  Maps,  Charts,  and  Books  to  the  au- 
thoTb  and  proprietors  of  such  copies,  during  the  times  therein  mentioned, 
az\A  exte  '<ng  the  benefits  thereof  to  the  arts  of  designing,  engraving  and 
etcliing  historical  and  o'herprmts." 

THBRON  BUDD^ 
Cl>^-1- of  fhe  Smhem  JXftrict  of  J\rrv>-r9rk 


i:: 


..  j^it.ij' 


ft9 

JAMES  MADISON, 

President  of  the  United  StfitfH*/'1mfrica.  -* 

'  To  ail  and  singular  to  whom  tltcije,|»e»e»t9  sLaU  cotiw, -gtcctiiig : 
WHTilREAS  a  THEATY  OF  Peacf.  and  A&rriY  between  tUe 
United  States  of  America,  amt  his  IJi'Uunnic  Mitjcsty  was  signed  at 
(>tien4,  oo  the  24th  day  of  December,  one  thousand  eight  hundi-ed 
and  fourteen,  by  Plenipotentiurk^s  itispective iy  appointed  lev  that 
purpose  ;  and  the  anid  Treaty  having  been  by  and  with  th-  advice 
an.l  consent  of  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  dbly  acfcepted,  rati- 
fied and  confirmed,  on  the  seventeenth  day  of  FvUriiavy ,  one  thou- 
sand eiffht  hundred  and  fifteen,  and  ratified  copief*  tbet^ol  having 
been  exchanged  agreeably  to  the  tenor  of  the  said  treaty,  whidi  is 
in  the  wolds  following  to  wit. 

TllEATY  OF  PRJCE  A.^DAMITJ, 

HIS  BRITANNIC  MAJESTY 

AND 
THE  UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA. 
M-.-  His  Britannic  Mt-jesty  and  thiv United  States  of  America,  dcai- 

rouB  of  terminating  the  war  which  has  unhappliy  subsisted  be- 
tween the  two  countries,  and  of  restoring,  upon  prmcples  ot  per- 
feet  reciprocity,  peace,  ffiendship  and  good  understanding,  be- 
tween  them,  hive,  for  that  purpose,  appointed  their  rcBpective 
Plenipotentiaries,  that  is  to  say:  H.s  Britannic  Majesty,  on  his 
part,  has  appointed  tjie  Right  Honorable  James  LobdGambier. 
fate  admiral  of  the  white,  now  admiral  of  the  red  squadron  of  His 
MaiSty's  fleet,  Henry  Goui.bvh«,  Esquire,  a  Member  ot  the 
Imperial  Parliament  and  utider  Secretary  of  State,  and  Wn.tiAM 
Sa«s,  Esquire,  Doctor  of  Civil  Laws  :-,And  the  President  of 
the  United  States,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  h^^n- 
ate  thereof,  has  appointed  John  Quincy  Auams.  Xameh  A  BaF- 
?KD  Henky  Clay,  Jonathan  Russel,  and  Albkut  Callatui, 
citizens  cf  the  Ur.ited  States, who,  after  a  reciprocal  comn.unicat.pii 
of  their  rcspeuiVe  fuU  powers,  have  agreed  upon  the  toUmvu^g  a^- 
W         .        tides:  ^ 

:j  '  ARTICLE  THE  yiBST. 

There  shall  be  a  firm  and  universal  Peace  between  His  Britan- 
hic  Maiesty  and  the  United  States,  and  between  their  respective 
countries,  territories,  cities,  towns,  and  people,  of  every  degree, 
whhom  exception  of  places  or  persons  All  bostilmes,  b«th  by 
ia  .nd  land,  shall  tease  as  sooivas  this  Treaty  shall  have  been  )-:i- 
tlfied  bv  both  parties,  as  hereinafter  mentioned.  All  territoi^, 
Saces,  and  possessions,  whatsoever,  taken  from  euticr  party,  by 
fSher,  during  the  war,  or  which  may  be  taken  after  the  signing 

M        '  , 


'•'■% 


mimmmm.y,,,, 


# 


k.-f 


Vw . 


^^^l 


i^i^ 


,"  .   I 


9if 

ul'  tltift  Tt'euty*  cxi«:pting  onIy«  the  l!ilaQj*hci'c-i»attC!'  uieftliORCji! 
abtdl  be  restored  yiriihoUL  delay,  and  wiihoui  causiug  uny  dcstiuc- 
lion,  or  Carrying  away  any  of  ihc  ariilleiy  or  ether  public  property 
originally  captured  in  the  said  forts  or  places,  aiwl  which  ahull  re- 
main therein  upon  the  excliange  of  the  ratificstipn  ot  this  Treaty, 
or  any  slaves  or  other  private  property — And  all  archive*,  re- 
cords, deeds  and  papers,  cither  of  a  pubuc  ^  uufe,  or  belonging  to 
private  perbons  which  in  the  course  of  the  war,  tnay  have  fallen  in- 
tp  the  •  inda  of  the  officers  of  citlier  party,  shall  be  as  far  as  may 
be  practicable,  forthwith  restored  and  delivered  to  the  proper  aa> 
thorities  and  ijersons  to  whom  ihcy  respectively  belong.  Sucla 
of  the  I&liinds  in  the  Bay  of  Passamaquoddy  as  are  claimed  by 
both  parties  shall  reniain  in  the  possession  of  the  party  in  whose 
occupation  they  may  be  at  the  time  of  the  exchange  of  the  ratifi- 
caiiofis  of  this  treaty,  until  the  decision  respecting  the  title  to  the 
said  islands  shall  have  been  made  in  tonformity  with  the  4th  ara- 
cle  of  this  treaty.  No  disposition  made  by  this  treaty,  as  to  such 
pessession  of  the  islands  and  territories  claimed  by  both  pkrties, 
shall  in  any  manner  whatever,  be  construed  to  affect  the  rigkt  of 
«Uher. 

.'  ARTICLt  THE  SECOND., 

Immediately  after  the  ratification  of  this  treaty  by  both  parties, 
as  herein  mentioned  orders  shall  be  sent  to  the  armies,  squadrons, 
officers,  subjects  and  citizens,  of  the  two  powers  to  cease  from  all 
hostilities :  And  to  prevent  all  cause  of  complaint  which  might  arise 
on  account  of  the  pri«es  which  may  be  taken  at  sea  after  the  aaid 
ratification  of  this  treaty;  it  is  reciprocally  agreed,  that  all  vessels 
and  effects  which  may  be  taken  after  the  space  of  twelve  days 
from  the  said  ratifications  upon  all  parts  of  the  coast  of  North 
America,  from  the  latitude  of  twenty-three  dejjrees  north,  to  the 
Intitude  of  fifty  degrees  north,  and  as  for  eastward  in  the  Atlaii- 
tic  ocean,  as  the  ihirty-hixth  degree  oi  west  longitude  from  the 
meridian  of  Greenwich,  shall  be  restored  on  each  side  s  That  the 
time  shall  be  thirty  days  in  all  other  parts  of  the  Atlantic  ocean  ; 
north  of  the  equinoctial  litie  or  equator,  and  thei  same  time  for 
the  British  and  Irish  Channels,  for  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  and  all 
parts  of  the  West- Indies  :  Forty  days  for  the  North  Seas,  forth© 
Baltic,  and  for  all  parts  of  the  Mediterranean  :  Sixty  days  for  the 
Atlantic  ocean  south  oi'  the  equator  as  far  as  the  latitude  of  the 
*Japc  of  Good  Hope  :  Ninety  days  for  every  part  of  tlie  world 
south  of  the  equator:  And  one  hundred  and  tfventy  days  tqr Ml 
other  parts  of  the  world,  without  exception.  * 

:\p-:..  AUTICLETHE   Tttl)Et». 

,_  All  prisoners  of  war  tjaken  on  either  side,  as  well  by  land  as  by 
ssj|«,  shall  be  restored  as  seon  as  practicable  after  the  ratifimtion 


■*> 


iti.'i' 


iA}.:f^^j:--^ 


j.'~ 


»2'f'< 


01 


J^Jl 


i.f  tWs  treaty,  m  hpreinjiftei- mcuponed,  on  their  pa^inj?  U" 

v*iui.ir  iMcj    iMuy  UMVc:  v.uiiiia->iuvi  uui  u<|^  >>>«-<i  i^^i'".'' ••.?  •        •  • 


10  Uebls 
"The  two 
contpocung  patties  lespectiveiy  engnge  to  discharge  in  specie,  the 
advances  whJch  may  have  been  made  by  the  other  (or  the  bustc- 
nance  and  mainlcnauce  of  such  priftoners. 

*  ARTICLE   THE    FOVRTH.  ,, 

Whereas,  it  was  stl{>u1ated  by  the  second  article  of  tlie  Weaiy 
nf  peace,  of  one  thoutiaml  seven  humhed  ami  eighty-three,  be 
iccn  his  Britannic  Majesty  and  the  United  States  ot  Anicnca, 
ihat  the  b<3nndary  of  the  United  States  shonl  !  comprehend  all 
islamls  M^tfiin  twenty      agues  of  any  part  of  the  shores  of  the 
0MiH  States,  and  lyinj;  bctwcrn  lines  tobedrawndiie  castlroii|> 
tlte  taints  where  the  aforesaid  boundaries,  between  Nova  Scotia, 
on  the  one  part,  and  East  Florida,  on  the  other,  shall  respective- 
ly touch  the  Bay  of  Fundy,  ?nd  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  cvcepting 
fiuch  islands  as  now  are,  or  heretofore  have  been,  within  the  li- 
mits of  Nova  Scotia  ;  ami  whereas,  the  sevei-al  islands  «i  the  Bay 
of  Passamaquoddy,  which  is  part       the  Bay  of  Fii.ndy,  ?«"'  th6 
island  of  Gnuid  Mcnan,  it»  tlnJ  said     .y  of  Fondy,  are  clAinned  by 
the  United  States  as  being  comprehended  within  their  aforesaid 
bonndaries,  which  said  islands  are  claimed  as  belonj^mg  to  Ins 
Britannic  Majesty,  as  having  been  at  the  lime  «f,  and  previous 
to,  the  aforesaid 'treaty  of  one  thousand  scveft  hundred  and  et|r h- 
ty-three,  within  the  limits  of  the  province  of  Nova  Scotu.^iu 
order,  therefore,  Hnally  to  decide  upon  these  claims,  it  is  agreed 
thattheyvshallbe  referred  to  two  comnusaioners,  to  be  upponited 
in  the  ibllowing  manner,  viz:  Olie  commissioner  shall  be  ap- 
pointed by  his  Britannic  Majesty,  and  one  by  the  President  of  the 
Umlcd  Stirtes,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  henate 
thereof,  and  the  said  two  commissioners,  so  appointed,  shall  be 
sworn,  impartially  to  examine  and  decide  upon  the  said  claiiji* 
Iccordinc  to  such  evidence  as  shall  be  luid  beforg  them  on  the 
nart  of  his  Britannic  Majesty  and  of  the  United  Stales  respetr- 
tivelv     The  said  commissioners  shall,  meet  at  St.  Andrews,  ni 
the  province  of  New-Brunswid,  and  shall  have  power  to  adjourn 
to  such  other  place  pr  places  as  ihey  shall  think  fit.     Ihc  said 
Commissioners   shall,  by  a  declaration  or  report,  under  their 
Ws  and  seals,  decide  to  which  of  the  two  contracting  parties 
Se  several  tslan48  aforesaid  do  i-cspectively  belong  m  conformity 
with  the  true  intent  of  the  said  treaty  of  p«ace  ot  one  thousand 
Sen  hundred  and  eighty-three.    And  if  the  said  conatmssioners 
Shall  agree  in  theirdecision,  both  parties  shall  consider  such  d^ 
cSon  as  final  and  conclusive.    It  is  lurther  agreed,  that  m  |e 
S?  Pf  the^two  commissioners  differing  upon  all  or  any  of  the 
TlxcvB  so  referred  to  them,  or  in  the  event  of  both  or  either  ot 
\be  wk  cqmsais^ionerf  refusing,  or  dccUmng,  or  wilfnllv  ^mitn 


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WEBSTER,  N.Y.  14580 

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ting  to  act  as  soch,  they  shall  make  jointly  or  separately,  a  repbtt. 

to  that  of  the  United  States,  slating  in  detail  the  pojnw  on  wHSfeh 
they  differ,  and  the  grouncis  upon  which  their  respective  opiniorts 
have  been  formed,  or  the  grounds  on  which  they,  or  either  of 
them,  have  so  refused,  declhied,  or  omitted  to  act.-^nd  H'ts 
BiUannic  Majesty,  and  the  Government  of  the  United  Sfetes, 
hereby  agrcetoi-efertlic  report,  or  reports,  of  the  said  coramis- 
sionars,  to  some  friendly  sovereign  or  state,  to  be  then  n^med  for 
that  pvnpose,  ami  -who  shall  l)e  r«;quested  to  decide  on  the  differ- 
ences which  may  be  stated  in  the  said  report  or  reports,  or  then 
the  report  of  one  commisAioner  tog^eiher  with  the  gi-ounds  ttpon 
AvhiCh  the  other  commiaMoner  shall  Ivdve  refosed,  deciined,  6r 
rnniued  to  act,  as  tl»c  case  may  be.  And  if  the  commissioner  $o 
refusmg,  declining,  or  omitting  to  act,  shall  also  wilfully  omit 
to  stgte  the  grounds  upon  which  he  lias  so  done,  in  such  manner 
that  fhe  said  statement  may  be  referred  to  such  friendly  sovereign 
or  state  together  with  the  report  of  such  otber  commissioned, 
then  such  sovereign  or  state  shall  decide  ex-part  upon  the  Bsfel 
vepotn  atone.  And  li^s  Britannic  Majesty  and  the  Government  of 
tne  United  States,  engage  to  consider  the  tlecision  of  some  friend- 
ly sovereign  or  State  to  be  such  and  cpnclusive  on  all  the  fflattcrs 
sorefcn'ud.  n  ,  '     '  ' 

'     •  ARTICL8    THE    FIFTii. 

'  Whereas  neither  that  point  pf  the  high  lands  lying  due  north 
iromthe  source  of  die  river  St.  Croix,  and  designated  in  the  for- 
incr  treaty  of  peace  between  the  two  powers  as  the  north-west 
angle  of  Nova  Scotia,  now  tne  north-westernmost  head  of  Con- 
necticut river,  hai  not  yet  been  asQertained;  and  whereas  thK 
part  of  the  bpundary  line  between  the  domi.iion  of  the  two  poi^- 
urs)  which  extfsnds  from  the  soince  of  the  river  St.  Croix  di- 
reciiy  north  to  the  abovementioned  north-west  angle  of  Nova  Sco- 
tia, tiif  nee  at?ing  the  said  highlands  which  divide  those  rivers 
which  empty  ihemaelve*  ijjtto  the  river  St.  Lawrence  from  those 
which  fdli  into  the  Atlantic  ocean  to  the  nortii-westermost  head 
of  Comicciicut  river,  thence  down  along  the  middle  of  tliat  river 
to  ihe  lorty-fiUh  degree  of  north  latitude;  thence  by  a  line  due 
■west  on  i»aid  iatiitidii  untij  it  strikes  the  river  Iroquois  or  Catara.*' 
guy,  hitsiiot  yot  been  surveyed;  it  h  agreed  that,  for  these  seve- 
ral  pmposjcs,  two  commissioners  sluU  be  appointed,  sworn,  and 
authomfcd,  lo  act  exactly  in  tiie  manner  directed  with  resi)ect  to 
;  t^ost  niciitwlied  in  the  next  preceding  article,  unlejtd  otherwise 
-^^l^tciheU  hi  the  present  aiti'lc     Tiicfatd  coiiuuissionera  shall 
Bn:t|t  at  St.  Andruws  in  ilic  province' of  New  flriius wick,  and 
shah  ipvv    power  to  adj--U|n  to  aucii  other  place  as  they  shall 
thhik  lii..     iiiit;  HaidcommssiotiKA'S  bialJ  have  power  to  ascertain 
ana  determine  the  points  aiiuvenienUoiied,  in  conforiaitj   vjth  thte 


■■^••IM*-*.,^,' 


^'j.aMSffi'i 


^<?^' 


teparaleiy,  a  remjit, 
>i  iidiiiiic  iwiijesty  as 
the  points  on  which 
respective  opinions 
they,  or  either  of 
to  act.~^nd  His 
the  United  States, 
if  the  said  coramis- 
9  be  then  n^mcd  for 
lecide  on  the  differ- 
or  reports,  or  th«n 
>  the  grounds  Upon 
l«sed,  uecHiiedj  or 
ve  commissioner  ftt 
also  wilfully  omit 
iCi  in  sucli  inanner 
1  friendly  sovereign 
her  contiDtssionei', 
•part  upon  the  B«kl 
the  GovernmetJt  of 
sion  of  some  fi  iend- 
3  on  all  the  ipj^tter? 


ds  lying  doc  librth 
signated  in  the  for 
as  the  horih-we^t 
itnost  head  of  Cofl- 

antl  whereas  that 
►n  of  the  two  po\^- 
iver  St.  Croix  di-, 
angle  of  N'ovaSco- 
iivide  thotie  rivers 
wreuce  from  those 
i-westermost  head 
liddie  of  that  nver 
ice  by  a  line  due 
roquois  or  Catara*  *.*' 
hat  for  these  seVe- 
>intcd,  swornj  and 
ed  with  resiject  to 

unleftd  othei-wi»e 
Tiuuissioners  shall 
w  Brunswick,  alid 
luce  as  they  shall 
[>oiver  to  ascertain 
wiforrait)   yjth  thb 


',.m>.i  -.»....,]piimpf^i 


^^^iiwmimffmmmimmBmmmmmmmmimm 


m 


9S 


provision*  of 'the  said  treaty  of  peace  of  onethoHsai.d  seven  hun- 
dred and  e%hly.thrce,  and  shall  cause  tte  bf.undai  v  afnresaid 
from  the  toiirce  of  the  river  St.  Croix  to  the  river  iroqafais  or 
Cataftiguy,  to  be  sm;Veyed  and  marked  accordiftg  to  the  b:  kliyi-o- 
visions.  The  said  comiriisiibrterB  shall  make  a  map  of  ti,«  saitl 
boundary,  aftd  annex  to  it  a  deciaralion  under  their  hands  and 
seals,  certifyijig  it  to  be  the  true  map  of  the  said  boundary,  aiitf 
pafticulanzuig  the  latitude  and  longitude  of  the  tiorthv?est  angle 
ttf  Nova  Scotia,  of  the  northwestefnmost  head  bi  Connecticut 
nvei,  and  of  such  other  poiots  of  the  said  boundary  as  they  mav 
deem  proper.  And  both  panics  agree  to.consider  such  map  ancl 
declaration  as  finally  and  conclusively  fixing  the  said  boundary. 
And  vh  the  event  of  the  wicf  two  comtnissioners  diRering,  or  botii 
or  cither  of  them,  refusing  or  declining,  or  wilfully  omiUiHg  to 
act,  such  reports,  declarations,  or  statements,  shall  be  m^de,  by 
t-.em,  or  either  of  thetlu,  and  such  refertnce  to  a  fiiendiv  sove- 
reign or  state,  shall  be  made,  in  all  respects  as  in  the  litter  part 
ot  the  fourth  article  is  contained,  and  in  as  full  a  maunttp  as  if  tlie 
same  was  herein  repeated. 

\  AKficJlR '■the;' SIXTH.  ,';■■.,/ , 

Whereas  by  the  former  beaty  of  peaice,  that  portion  of  the 
bqijfndary  of  the  United  States  from  the  point  wh^re  the  fo*  tv-fiftl* 
degree  of  norhjatitude  slilkes  the  river  Iroquois' or  Cataraguy, 
toibe  Lake  Superior,  was  declared  to  be  '•  along  tiie  mukJle  qt 
said  river  into  Lake  Ontarioj  through   the  iWjddie  of  said   lake 
Xjn^l  it  strikes  the  communicatioii  by  water  between  that  lake  tnd' 
Luke  Eiie,,  tlicnce  along  the  middle  of  said  coniinu'r.icauoii  j|,io 
Lake  Lrie,  through  the  middle  of  said  lake  until  it  arrives  at  the 
water  communication  into  the  L,ke  Huron,  iliepce  thi'ou"ii  the 
middle  of  said  lake  to  the  water  coninitnucutjou  bttwfceh  chat  iatte 
aivl  Lake  Superior."    And  whereus,'  dunbts  feavc  ariy-.'-i  .,vhai  wjs 
the  middle  of  said  river,  lakes  and  water  c'onjiuuuic.iijr''       '  •* 
:whetljer  certain  islands  lying:  iji  llife.sanic,  wch:  uiuii!  t 
nious  of.  his  Biitaniiic  Majesty  0    of  the  Uiiueti  Status  :  iv  ,;    .   . 
theiefore,  iii^liy  to  decicie.lht;      (luabtb,  thej-  siiun  i>/    '  >         ' 
to, two  co]Hf>iiussioners,  to  be  apj;uiuicd,'  ^woiv,  ctiid  .a  • 
aci*xactly  hj  theiimiimu- d'!i(vHi..(i,\vuii  ivi;pcti/to  tiic       ;-  ,.     >. 
eau.  tiieuexi  preced»ng,uivicie,  u-lfcr&c)a:viViV.c"-iu?^%v; .;  ^  . 'v'' 


prtseut  article. 

iosiaiiet,  at^\lbawy,  hi  the  iisWe  of  Ncw-Vot;, 
power  to  iMijt/Uti.  ip  smlh'uther  place  or  piudtrs,  . 
jftt  i ,  thi^  saui  cuniiuisaJiiiH'is  shaiiby  a  ji'Cj)  ■ 
4«;Tti)eu-  ii^i.db  ui.cl  .Hisufh.  dt-ui^iKiit?  (Ii, 
8&i«u  rivci;,,)4ki;s,  and  waiti  t.osuuui!.!..  .■■>.  ;•..  ,  ■  •« 
©f.lhti  I'/occaanciin^' puratfc  .:ii,  !ii  ,,.\,-. 

.^aid  tlyvi-f,  iak^^s  una  vvaU-j'  cc.  .  auwis,;,  au 


i¥V" 


/'' 


// 


;i 


n 


9* 

Jong,  in  conformity  with  the  true  intent  of  the  said  treaty  of  one 

agree  to  consider  such  designation  and  decision*  as  final  and  con- 
clusive. And  in  the  event  of  the  said  two  cummisBioners  diffari 
ing,  or  both,  or  eitbef  of  tbcm,  refusing,  declining,  or  wilfully 
oniitting  to  act,  such  reports,  declarations  or  statemcnti,  shall 
be  made  by  them,  or  either  of  th«m,  and  such  reference  to  a 
friendly  sovereign  or  state  sl>all  be  made  in  all  respects  as  in  the 
latter  |^rt  of  the  fourth  article  is  contained,  and  in  a«  full  a  maft- 
ner  as  if  the  sanv;  vas  herein  repeated.  *      ; 


AntlCLS   THE   SBVENTH. 


.^■' 


It  is  further  agjseed  tbait  the  said  two  last  mentiqned  cottimis- 
sioners,  after  tbeysbaU  have  executed  the  duties  assigned  to  thein , 
in  the  preceding  article,  shall,  be^and  they  are  hereby  authorized, 
iipMi  their  oaths,  impartially  to  fix  and  .determine,  according  to  , 
the  true  intent  of  th«  said  Treaty  of  Pe^ce,  of  one  thousand  seven 
TiUDdrcd  and  eighty-three,  that  part  of  the  boundary  between  tb© 
dominions  of  the  two  powers,  which  exteods  from  the  water  coW' 
munication  between  Lake  Huron  and  Lake  Superior,  to  ti»e  most 
north-western  point  of  the  Lake  of  the  Woods,  to  decide  to  which 
of  the  two  parties  the  several  islands  lying  in  the  lakes,  water 
communications,  and  rivers,  forming  the  said  boandary,  do  re- 
spectively belong,  in  cpnformity  with  the  true  ihtcJit  of  the  said 
Treaty  of  peace,  of  oue  thousand  seven  hundred  and  eighty- 
three  and  to  cause  such  parts  of  the  said  boundary,  as  require 
it,  to  bs  surveyed  and  marked.  The  said  commissioners  shall, 
by  a  report  or  declaration  under  thbir  hands  and  seals,  des^ignate 
the  boundary  aforesaid,  state  their  decision  on  the  points  tlms  re- 
ferred to  them,  and  particularize  the  latitude  and  longitude  of  the 
SQOst  north. western  point  of  the  Lake  of  the  W<wds,  of  such  other 
part  of  the  said  boundary  as  they  may  deem  proper.  Apid  both 
parties  agree  to  consider  such  designation  and  decision  as  final 
and  conclusive.  And,  in  the  ejent.of  the  said  two  commissioners 
differing,  or  both,  or  cither  of  them  refusiu;;,  declining,  or*#ilfuU 
ly  omitting  to  aet,  such  reports,  declarations,  or  statements^,  shall 
be  nw.de  by  tbem,  or  either  of  them,  ami  such  refereijce  to  a 
friendly  sovereign  or  state,  shall  be  made  in  all  respectSjas  in  the- 
latter,  part  of  the  fourt^  article  is  contiainedj  .and  in  as  full  a  man-  #^ 
ncrasiftl>esame  was  Iwerein  repeated.  .     ■  *  < 

ARTICIiK  TSe  EIOHTU. 

\       ■  It 

The  seve^ai  boards  of  two  commissioners  nicntioned  in  the  four 
Pf^ceding  articles,  shall  r«spectively  have  power  to  appoint  a  se- 
cr^tary,and  to  employ  such  surveyors  or  other  persons  as  they 
ahall  judge  necessary.  Duplicates  of  ail  their  respective  reports," 
declarations,  statements  and  decisions,  and  of  their  accounts,  and 
of  the  journal  ol  their  proceedings  shall  be  delivered  by  then^  to 


^■m 


le'sajd  treaty  of  one 

ms  as  final  and  con- 
'mmisaioners  digar* 
eclinwig,  or  MdlfuUy 
!>r  statement*,  slwll 
uch  reference  to  a 
1  respects  as  in  the 
tnd  in  asfuUnaiiu^ 

nentiQTied  couitinis- 
es  assigned  to  them 

hereby  authorized, 
•mine,  according  to 
one  thousand  seven 
undary  between  the 
romthe  water  coni' 
iperior,  to  tlMj  nipst 
\f  to  decide  to  which 

in  the  lakes,  water 
I  boundary,  do  re- 
;  intent  of  the  said 
mdred  and  cighty- 
oundary,  as  require 
miMissioners  shall, 
md  seals,  de&ignate 

the  points  tims  re- 
md  longitude  of  the 
'oods,  of  9uc!i  other 
proper.  A|«S  both 
id  decision  as  final 
two  commiwioners 
lecl'.ning,  of^ilfuU 
or  statement^,  »haU 
uch  reference  to  a 
tl  respectsjasinthe 
lid  in  as  full  a  mun- 


cntion«iEi  in  the  four 
ver  to  appoint  a  sie- 
3f  persons  as  they 
respective  reporttt," 
their  accounts,  and 
irered  by  then^  to 


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iedS^e!  li!'*'®"!"*'"'^  "''^^'''y'  ««*t»i»*e  «»Se«ts  of  the  U«i. 
Slnirfn  Kf  ^^  ^"^  i-espectively  appointed  and  authorised  to 
mnage  the  b6siness  on  behalf  of  their  respective  goyerninentr 
The  said  commissioners  shall  be  rcspeetivefy  paid  k  s^ch  -^l 
ner  as  shall  be  agreed  between  the  two  contS  parti  S^ 
ajreehjpt  bemg  to  be  settled  n  Ihe  tih,e  utthe  elcKnge  of  tSe 
raufacati  as  of  the  treaty.  And^l  other  CKpcnses  attemUnff  h^ 
said  commissioners  shall  be  defrayed  equally  ^7^  wo  na^rti^ 
And  in  the  case  of  death,  sickniesB    resi^nxlL  «  partiej. 

sehf-f  th«  *»ia,„  ^r  »»t-^RES8,  lesjgnalion  or  necessary  a^ 

setv^c,  the  place  of  every  such  commissioner  respeclivcly  shall  be 
atipphedm  the  same mauner  as  such  commissioner  rasfim«n 
pomted,and  the  new  commissioner  shall  take  "£^,^^6  oath  £. 
affirmation,  and  do  the  same  duties.    It  i   fiSe  a^  'r^^^ 

SSVtfet'^n'^  *"^'°^'"'"^'''  shouldTCrt'edccson 
ot  any  ol  the  boards  of  commissioners  aforesaid,    >r  of  the  sov/ 
reign  or  state  so  referred  to,  as  in  the  fbur  next  precedtg  articles" 
o?  S'^'i*"  ^"  ■""  '^^'^  dominions  of  the  other^artrfll  S 
nL^v^.  ^'^^'iP/f  "°"J  *" '*^"  commencement  of%e\ar  ^6 

Zfhuf^'  Zr    y-  ^^  ^tJ^'C'sion  or  decisions,  been  adjudRed  to  be 
withm  the  dommtons  of  the  party  having  such  possession 

ARTlCtE  THE  NI«TH. 

The  United  States  of  America  entraa^  tr.  «.,»  t   . 

^liately  after  the  ratificalTonhe  | rSem  fre  tv  to  f  l^-"?^" 
with  all  th*  tribes  or  nations  of  Indlis,  .vhh  wfi  tlievll  f 
at  ^^  at  the  timeof  such  ratification  ;  ^nd  fbr«.^Ui  to  rLS  u 
such  tubes  or  nations,  resoectivplv  aii   .k»     """•"  ^of<- store  to 

one  tlmusand  eight  hundred  and  eleven  nrevinn!  ,^  T  i  .  ..V^ 
ties  :  m^i^eAlr^a,.,  that  fuclftS  ^n  do4  1^^ 
desist  from  all  hosUiitiesaijainst  the  U?itcri  W«  if^  -  *'' 
their  cM^.ens  and  subjects,  ^n  ^he'  S^^"^':?  t'^S 
treaty  being  notihed  to  such  tribes  or  nuti^nc  „„  i  i  .?  1^'^f  ^^." 
accordingi;.  And  his  BriJ^n^f  lljl^"^^;;.^  L  i"na  ??' 
put  an  endimm^diately  after  the  ratLadS^tSri;,^]^  ^f;^^^^^^^ 
to  hostiht.e«  wuh  all  the  tribes  or  nations  of  iSs  wUh  whom 

shall  agree  to  desist  from  all  host^Iui  s  gSt  hk  I  it^Lk  X 
jesty,and  imsubjec,^,  upon  the  ratificatL  ^f  t£  SS  tr^ 
being  notified  to  such  tribe*  nrn«no"=  anr*  -^-n  ^-.^^^  "*^*7 
jj5„jy_  i~.iv»„..,  anc»  Bnaii  so  actust  accord- 


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"V^hereas  the  traffic  m  slaves  is  irrecpricUcaljleNvith  the  princi- 
nlea  of  huruamty  and  justice,  ami  whereas  both  his  Majesty  anil 
the  United  States  art  desirous  of  continuing  tlicir  efforts  to  pro- 
mote its  entire  abolijiioiv,  it  is  hepby  agreed  that  both  the  con- 
tractihg  paidea  shalflse  tiieir  bo«t  endejivours  to  ZkCcdw pUi^  so 
desirable  an  obfcct; 

?.,;</  ,.  '■■/■'  /ARTICLE  THE.^i.EVENTU.  -«'''>       .    ,■ 

f  his  tHaty,  when  ihe  same  shall  haye  been  ratifiied  op  lj©th 
sides,  wi'.hout  alteration  by  either  of  the  contracting  parties,  and 
the  ratifications  mutuaUy  exchanged,  shall  be  bindini^  on  b:th  par- 
ties, and  the  i^tifications  shall  he  exchanged  at  Washiniftf)n,  in 
the  space  of  four  months  from  this  day:  or  sconei'  if  practieafele. 
In  faith  whereof,  we  the  respective  Pienipotentiarjes  iiave 

,  signed  this  treatj^  and  have  therehnto  affixed  our  seals. 
Done^  in  iripltcate,  at  Ghent,  the  twenty-fourth  day  jc^Pe- 
-  '  ;\;  ^«€nii>er,  Qine  thousand  eight  huncljped  and  fourteen.    '      < 

(l.8.1'  OAMBIER, 

(L.  s.)  HENRY  GOULBURK, 

h  s.)  WILLIAM  ADAMS, 

(us.)  JOHN  QUI NCY  ADAMS, 

(L.  s.)  J.  A.  BAYARD, 

(t.i)  H.  CLAY, 

(l  8.)  jONA.  RUSiSEt^L, 
^               :(t..8.)  -r           !,  ALBERT  CfALLAtlN. 

Now,  therefore,  to  the  end  that  Uie  said  Treaty  o£  Peace  and 
Amity  may  be  observed  with  good  faith,  on  the  part  of  the  United 
State  i,  James  Madison,  President  as  aforesaid,  have  caused  the 
premises  to  be  made  public  ;  and  I  do  hereby  enjoin  all  persons 
bearing:  office,  civil  or  military,  withm  the  United  States,  and  all 
other  citizens  ^nd  inhabitants  taereof,  or  being  within  the  same, 
faithfully  to  observe  and  fulfil  the  said  treat  i»d  every  Clause  and 
article  thereof.  \     ^  \  .    ■ 

In  testimohy  whei^of,  I  have  idaused  thei  seal  of  the  United 
(sfAt)  States  to  b©  affixed  to  these  presents,  ^and  signed  the 
V^  same  with  my  liand.  -/'M 

Done  at  the  city  of  Wash^gton,  this  eighteenth  day  pf  Fe- 
bruary, in  the  year  of  oui'  Loi:d  one  tfjousaftd  eight  hun- 
At<M  and  fifteen,  and  of  the  sovereignty  and  indepen 
dence  of  thfe  United  Stwes  the  thirty-ninth.       ^ 

JAMES  MADISdN. 
,  By  the  President,  '.     / 

JAMES  MONROi, 

Jcting  Secretary  of  Slate, 


j, 


